scholarly journals Brakeman or booster? Presidents, ideological polarization, reciprocity, and the politics of US arms control

Author(s):  
Florian Böller

AbstractUS arms control policies have shifted frequently in the last 60 years, ranging from the role of a ‘brakeman’ regarding international arms control, to the role of a ‘booster,’ initiating new agreements. My article analyzes the conditions that contribute to this mixed pattern. A crisp-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) evaluates 24 cases of US decisions on international arms control treaties (1963–2021). The analysis reveals that the strength of conservative treaty skeptics in the Senate, in conjunction with other factors, has contributed to the demise of arms control policies since the end of the Cold War. A brief study of the Trump administration’s arms control policies provides case-sensitive insights to corroborate the conditions identified by the QCA. The findings suggest that conservative treaty skeptics contested the bipartisan consensus and thus impaired the ability of the USA to perform its leadership role within the international arms control regime.

2021 ◽  
Vol 70 (4/2020) ◽  
pp. 123-149
Author(s):  
Marina Kostic

Treaty between the United States of America and the Russian Federation on measures for further reduction and limitation of strategic offensive arms (“New START”) is the last pillar of the arms control regime on which the end of the Cold War and the new world order rested. Its expiration on 5 February 2021 is a top security challenge and indicates a possible new strategic arms race. However, can the United States and Russia still preserve the existing strategic arms control by extending the Treaty for another five years? What are the prospects, the opportunities and obstacles for this extension? What are the most pressing issues USA and Russia face with in order to preserve strategic arms control and are they willing to do so? In order to answer to these research questions author analyses several key issues that are of paramount importance for extension of the New START: nuclear modernization processes, invention of new weapons and emergence of new warfare domains; transparency and verification and broader confidence building measures; missile defence and prompt global strike; tactical nuclear weapons in Europe and Asia; general US-Russia relations which include question of democratic capacity; and broader influence of this Treaty on nuclear non-proliferation regime. By using content and discourse analysis author concludes that, although it is obvious that the extension of the New START would be primarily in favour of Russia and that the USA has not much to gain, the character of strategic stability in the Third Nuclear Age gives reasons to believe that the New START will be extended for another five years.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
M Cabral ◽  
G Daminani

Abstract Background Leadership and chronic diseases are two frequent topics in current public health discussions. We performed a bibliometric analysis to study what interactions exist between these two themes. This study allows an insight on what is being published and also identifies potential gaps that need to be addressed. Methods We have reviewed all the titles and abstracts of articles available at PUBMED with the MESH terms ’Leadership’ and ’Chronic Disease’. We collected information about the authors, year, journal and type of publication and country where the study was done. We have also done a qualitative analysis on the themes addressed. Results We have found 171 entries, of witch 85 (49,7%) referred to apparent peer reviewed studies in English. All other publications referred to editorials, commentaries or the PUBMED entry did not allow for greater clarification. From 1998 the publication of articles became regular, with a peak of 14 articles published in 2014. The average of authors per publication was 3,19. The most frequent country involved was the USA (62), follow by the UK (14), Canada (11) and Australia (10). 128 publications were identified, of which BMC Health Serv Res was the one with the highest number of articles included (5). There was some form of a call for greater leadership from nurses in 22 articles. We also highlight 5 articles that called for a greater role of pastors and religious communities in this field. Conclusions Despite the perception of being common topics, there is still a low rate of publication of studies in the field of leadership and chronic diseases. There is a predominance of articles from the USA. There was not a predominant publication in this field. Despite doctors being typically seen as the leaders within the health field, the articles included seem to point to a trend in calling for a bigger leadership role of other actors, such as nurses. Key messages There is a need for more research in the field of leadership in chronic diseases. There seems to be a trend calling for greater leadership in the field from non-physician actors.


2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 678-708
Author(s):  
Marina Kostic

Th? paper focuses on the research of general possibilities and limitations of the multilateralization of the strategic arms control negotiations and particularly the inclusion of China in these negotiations because, during 2019 and 2020, the US conditioned the extension of the New START Treaty with China?s involvement in the trilateral strategic arms control negotiations. By doing so, the US recognised China as an important factor influencing the maintenance of strategic stability and possibilities for further reduction of strategic arms. The main hypothesis is the claim that the limitations still overcome the possibilities regarding the multilateralization of the strategic arms control negotiation, and that the prospects of involving China in this kind of negotiation remain minimal. This hypothesis was tested through theoretical deliberation based on the notion of strategic stability, and its transformation during the Cold War until today, as well as on four indicators or preconditions of China?s involvement in the strategic arms control, which are: 1) quantitative reduction of the number of nuclear arms of the US and Russia to China?s level; 2) decrease of the role of nuclear weapons in the national security and defense strategies of the great powers; 3) decrease of the role of nuclear weapons as the status symbol of the great power or superpower and 4) conclusion of the multilateral international agreement (not trilateral) on limitations on the use of nuclear weapons. The author uses the methods of content and discourse analysis, as well as the comparative method. The author concludes that the absence of the intention of the US and Russia to further reduce their strategic arms and decrease the role of nuclear weapons in their security and defense strategies, as well as the absence of consent on which parties or actors should be included in the arms control talks and China?s general suspicion about the effectiveness of the arms control agreements, influence China not to take part on any strategic arms control talks at this moment.


Author(s):  
Andrej Stefanović

The author explores the deterioration and (forthcoming) collapse of the global arms control system, with special consideration given to potential consequences this event would have for the European continent. In this context, and in assessing the significance of the remaining mechanisms for preventing a potential arms race and deepening of conflict in Europe, he draws attention to the OSCE Vienna Document, as a tool which could enable the revival of stability through confidence building in Europe, especially in view of its capacity for adaptation and modernization.


Author(s):  
Matthias Bieri ◽  
Christian Nünlist

The Ukraine crisis serves as a tragic reminder of how fragile European security still is—twenty-five years after the cold war ended. As the only inclusive European security organization, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) once more demonstrates how useful cooperative security instruments can be to de-escalate international tensions. This chapter focuses on the OSCE’s contribution to cooperative security in Europe after 1990, in particular in the field of conventional arms control and the building of confidence and security between European armed forces. It reviews the arms-control regime in Europe and explains why military transparency as achieved with the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE), the Vienna Document, and the Treaty on Open Skies is again needed in a post-2014 security environment. The chapter also highlights that, while the Ukraine crisis underscored its need for reform, adapting the arms-control regime in Europe has become even more difficult.


2021 ◽  
pp. 361-380
Author(s):  
Sergei Zhuk

This essay is an attempt, made by using the personal stories of Soviet Americani-sts, to study the role of Soviet academic visitors, approved and supervised by the KGB, in promoting the cultural products from the USA - mainly such visual media as films and television - in the USSR during the period of academic exchanges after 1959. During their visits to the United States, Soviet Americanists used their leisure time not only for sightseeing, visiting museums and shopping, but also for various forms of cultural entertainment, from watching films and television shows to visiting concerts of classical and popular music. These experiences eventually affected the recommenda-tions about American cultural products, which Soviet visitors submitted to the KGB and their supervisors after their return home. During the 1970s and the 1980s, Soviet admi-nistration benefited from such useful advice about American popular films and televi-sion programs, which could be promoted in the USSR. Even the KGB administration in the Soviet Union studied the lists of recommendations made by those scholars, and used them for promoting the "progressive, humanistic" American cultural products among local Communist and Komsomol leaders for the education of Soviet audience.


2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 300-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanley J. Smits ◽  
Dawn E. Bowden ◽  
James O. Wells

Purpose The healthcare system in the USA is undergoing unprecedented change and its share of unintended consequences. This paper explores the leadership role of the physician in transforming the present culture of healthcare to restore, refine and preserve its traditional care components. Design/methodology/approach The literature on change, organizational culture and leadership is leveraged to describe the structural interdependencies and dynamic complexity of the present healthcare system and to suggest how physicians can strengthen the care components of the healthcare culture. Findings When an organization’s culture does not support internal integration and external adaptation, it is the responsibility of leadership to transform it. Leaders can influence culture to strengthen the care components of the healthcare system. The centrality of professionalism in the delivery of patient services places a moral, societal and ethical responsibility on physicians to lead a revitalization of the care culture. Practical implications This paper focuses on cultural issues in healthcare and provides options and guidance for physicians as they attempt to lead and manage the context in which services are delivered. Originality/value The Competing Values Framework, the major interdependent domains and five principal mechanisms for leaders to embed and fine tune culture serve as the main tenets for describing the ongoing changes in healthcare and defining the role of the physician as leaders and advocates for the Patient Care Culture.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-208
Author(s):  
Dmitriy Aleksandrovich Nesterov

This paper analyzes materials of the RAND Corporation of the first half of the 1960s, devoted to the study of the colonial experience of European empires and the theory of counter-guerrilla warfare. The entire set of documents created by the RAND Corporation allows researchers, firstly, to analyze the intellectual resource available to the American establishment before the invasion of Vietnam, and to understand the causes of the mistakes and successes of the US armed forces in this region, and secondly, these materials allow to analyze the role of colonial and anthropological knowledge in US foreign policy during the Cold War. The sources considered by us in the paper can be classified both by their typology and by their subject matter: from the point of view of typology, RAND Corporations materials are divided into articles, memoranda and symposia materials, as well as from the point of view of subjects on the research of the war for Algeria, the Malay Company, counter-guerrilla warfare in Vietnam and general theoretical issues related to counter-insurgency operations. In the conclusion of the paper the author says about the great role of these sources in the study, both colonial experience and the theory of counter-guerrilla warfare, as well as military, political, social and economic, thus contributing to the interdisciplinarity of scientific papers.


2021 ◽  
pp. 420-451
Author(s):  
N.Yu. Sputnitskaya ◽  
◽  

In the article the evolution of the image of the enemy in two cinemas is examined on the material of the Soviet and North American children’s and family films of 1936–1966 years in the following areas: representations of images of a political enemy in the movie, the critics of the axiological analysis of the discourse of a hostile culture, representation of the axiological discourse of their own culture. The analysis of publications on the topic is carried out and the concepts of “children’s cinema” and “family cinema” are clarified. The article reveals various types of construction in feature films for young audience of the “hidden threat” of the Cold War period. Based on the analysis of antagonist markers, archival materials and iconographic analysis of the films, the author identifies various modifications of the image of the enemy in children’s cinema. The article records the loss of interest in clichés by the mid-1960s. However, at the same time, the phenomenon of the spy film for the young audience in the USSR is of special interest, in particular, the militaristic aspect of the image of the internal and external enemy. In addition, the author focuses on the ways of constructing the space of childhood in two cinematographies, the social and cultural context, in particular, the role of social institutions and the family, the representation of social problems in different genres of children’s film. The author reveals that the evolution of the border violation motive in children’s films is associated with the peculiarities of the foreign policy of both countries, which also characterizes the interest in the cultural heritage of other peoples, cultural codes and formulas developed in literature and popular culture.


Author(s):  
N. Belukhin

Under the Cold War Denmark successfully employed the UN peacemaking operations to increase its own international status and strengthen relations with the key Western allies. The Nordic model of peacemaking was later considered as an example to be followed by other European states in the 1990s. As the role of the UN gradually declined during the 1990s and the UN peacemaking operations led to major failures, most notably the Srebrenica massacre and the Rwandan genocide, NATO, as well as the EU, started expanding their own activities in the sphere of peacemaking and peace enforcement. As a consequence, Denmark stopped considering the UN peacemaking as the main framework for international activism and started getting increasingly engaged in coalition operations and NATO operations as a means to win the favor of the key ally — the USA. Another factor that significantly contributed to Denmark’s growing atlanticism was the so-called "defense clause" which prevented Denmark from participating in the military dimension of the emerging CFSP within the EU and later CSDP. The Danish international activism acquired therefore a tangible military element which on the one hand enabled Denmark to punch above its weight, but at the same time became contradictory to the very ideas and goals which made international activism attractive for the Danish public in the first place. The initial value- and identity-driven UN peacemaking eventually became reduced to a means of accomplishing limited goals of status-seeking and ensuring the country’s place as a non-permanent member of the Security Council. It is thus becoming increasingly difficult for Denmark to reconcile the adherence to humanitarian diplomacy and Nordic "Peace Brand" with aggressive military activism.


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