The Geographically Uneven Development of Privatisation: Towards a Theoretical Approach

1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (8) ◽  
pp. 1117-1135 ◽  
Author(s):  
J G Stubbs ◽  
J R Barnett

Over the least decade a plethora of privatisation policies have been initiated in many countries of the world both at national level and at local level. Few attempts, however, have been made to analyse, within a theoretical framework, the geographically uneven development of privatisation policies both within, and between, regions and nation-states. This paper is an examination of the uneven growth between regional hospital authorities in the private contracting of public hospital ancillary services in New Zealand. A significant, if somewhat surprising, finding is that, after a surge in privatisation in the early 1980s, the process has virtually stagnated in the last few years. Possible reasons for this, and the more general spatial uneven development of this form of privatisation, are advanced and, on the basis of this study, some avenues for further research are indicated.

2013 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 115-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sri Lestari Wahyuningroem

The article examines both civil society initiatives that seek to address the mass violence of 1965 and 1966 and the state's responses to them. Unlike other political-transition contexts in the world, a transitional justice approach is apparently a formula that state authorities have found difficult to implement nationally for this particular case. The central government has, through its institutions, sporadically responded to some of the calls from civil society groups and has even initiated policy reforms to support such initiatives. Nevertheless, these responses were not sustained and any suggested programmes have always failed to be completed or implemented. Simultaneously, however, NGOs and victims are also voicing their demands at the local level. Many of their initiatives involve not only communities but also local authorities, including in some cases the local governments. In some aspects, these “bottom-up” approaches are more successful than attempts to create change at the national level. Such approaches challenge what Kieran McEvoy refers to as an innate “seductive” quality of transitional justice, but at the same time these approaches do, in fact, aim to “seduce” the state to adopt measures for truth and justice.


Author(s):  
Samuel Lucas McMillan

Subnational governments are increasingly involved in foreign policy and foreign relations in activities usually labeled as paradiplomacy or constituent diplomacy. This phenomenon is due to the rising capacity of substate territories to act in world politics and has been aided by advances in transportation and telecommunications. National governments’ control of foreign policy has been permeated in many ways, particularly with globalization and “glocalization.” Since 1945, subnational governments such as Australian states, Canadian provinces, and U.S. states have sought to influence foreign policy and foreign relations. Subnational leaders began traveling outside their national borders to recruit foreign investment and promote trade, even opening offices to represent their interests around the world. Subnational governments in Belgium, Germany, and Spain were active in world politics by the 1980s, and these activities expanded in Latin America in the 1990s. Today, there are new levels of activity within federal systems such as India and Nigeria. Subnational leaders now receive ambassadors and heads of government and can be treated like heads of state when they travel abroad to promote their interests. Not only has paradiplomacy spread to subnational governments across the world, but the breath of issues addressed by legislatures and leaders is far beyond economic policy, connecting to intermestic issues such as border security, energy, environmental protection, human rights, and immigration. Shared national borders led to transborder associations being formed decades ago, and these have increased in number and specialization. New levels of awareness of global interdependencies means that subnational leaders today are likely to see both the opportunities and threats from globalization and then seek to represent their citizens’ interests. Foreign policy in the 21st century is not only affected by transnational actors outside of government, such as multinational corporations and environmental groups, but also governmental actors from the local level to the national level. The extent to which subnational governments participate in foreign policy depends on variables related to autonomy and opportunity. Autonomy variables include constitutional framework, division of power, and rules as determined by legislative action or court decisions. Opportunity variables include geography, economic interdependence, kinship (ethnic and religious ties), as well as partisanship and the political ambitions of subnational leaders. Political culture is a variable that can affect autonomy and opportunity. Paradiplomacy has influenced the expectations and roles of subnational leaders and has created varying degrees of institutionalization. Degrees of autonomy allowed for Flanders are not available for U.S. states. Whereas most subnational governments do not have formal roles in international organizations or a ministry devoted to international relations, this does occur in Quebec. Thus, federalism dynamics and intergovernmental relations are evolving and remain important to study. In future research, scholars should more fully examine how subnational leaders’ roles evolve and the political impacts of paradiplomacy; the effects of democratization and how paradiplomacy is diffused; how national and subnational identity shapes paradiplomacy, and the effects paradiplomacy has on domestic and international law as well as political economy. The autonomy and power of subnational governments should be better conceptualized, particularly because less deference is given to national-level policy makers in foreign policy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nihad El-Kayed ◽  
Ulrike Hamann

This article examines how state regulations, market barriers, racist discrimination as well as NGOs interact and create internal border regimes by enabling, as well as restricting, access to social and civil rights connected to housing and the freedom of movement and settlement for refugees. Our contribution builds on an analysis of federal and state regulations on housing for refugees who are either in the process of seeking asylum or have completed the process and have been granted an asylum status in Germany. The analysis aims to dissect the workings of these regulations in order to develop a detailed understanding of how these internal border regimes define barriers and access to social and civil rights. In addition to legal and regulatory barriers at the federal, state, and local levels, we identify several other barriers that affect if, how, and when refugees are able to enter local housing markets. We will examine these barriers based on an exemplary analysis of the situation in the cities of Berlin and Dresden, whereby we will apply concepts from border as well as citizenship studies to obtain a deeper understanding of the processes at hand. While contributions to the realm of border studies have so far mostly concentrated on national or EU borders, our approach follows recent literature that emphasises the need to analyse the workings of borders <em>internal to</em> nation-states but has so far not addressed local variations of the ways in which refugees are able to access their right to housing. In taking up this approach, we also stress the need to look at local dimensions of an increasing civic stratification of refugee rights, which past research has also conceptualised primarily on the national level. In both cities, we have collected administrative documents and conducted interviews with refugees, NGOs, and representatives from the local administration. Based on this material, we analyse the workings of administrative barriers at the state and local levels along with market barriers and discriminatory practices employed by landlords and housing companies at the local level. In most cases, these conditions restrict refugees’ access to housing. We will contrast these obstacles with insight into the strategies pursued by refugees and volunteers in their efforts to find a place to live in the city.


Author(s):  
Gheorghe Cosmin Manea

AbstractThe concern for increasing macroeconomic stability is specific to both, small and large countries within the European Community. In that paper are presented ways in which are made links between the states of the world policies and economies development characteristics. That study has imposed a new type of characterization sustained by the national economies manifestation whose is correlated with the interaction between governmental policies and also with national and regional factors. This interaction is conditioned by specify effect of the economic, scientific, demographic, social and cultural development of each country, part of European Union. Taking into account all the imminent obstacles over the years of nations existence, is demonstrated that the European Union is supposed over and over of a new development process, being considered one of the most economically prosperous areas in the world and also one of the most competitive. However, major weaknesses arise due to the existence of significant disparities in prosperity and productivity between Member States and component regions. The complexity of the regional development policy arises at the level of the European Union, from its objective of reducing the economic and social disparities existing between the different region of Europe’s that was and will be an objective that it has implications on important areas for development, such as economic growth, labor force, transport, agriculture, urban development, environmental protection, education. Registered at different levels (local, regional, national and European) - regional policy, deals with the coordination of the different sectors and with the cooperation between the decision levels and the balancing of the financial resources. The conclusion is related with the idea of a must follow regional development economies starting from national level respecting a certain dynamic. That aspect must also take into account the continuous changes determined by the restructuring of the production and the increase of the competitiveness at national and local level.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Osiris S. González-Galván

Local Governments around the world have taken advantage of social media during the past ten years to improve transparency and to provide public services. Challenges related to information management and citizen participation have emerged, namely at the local level where the diffusion of social media has been slower compared to initiatives launched at the national level. This paper analyzes how the use of social media can reflect a change in the discursive exchanges established between local governments in Canada and Mexico and citizens. To achieve this goal, the use of YouTube by the municipalities of Quebec and Morelia was examined by using digital methods and content analysis. The author proposes the emergence of new conditions between government and users, which are changing the discourse, identity, and communication purposes of the municipalities. However, the development of more dialogic communication processes supported by social media is still a promise, at least on YouTube.


Author(s):  
Diego Giuliani ◽  
Maria Michela Dickson ◽  
Giuseppe Espa ◽  
Flavio Santi

Abstract Background: Severe acute respiratory syndrome Coronavirus 2019 (COVID-19) has been firstly detected in China at the end of 2019 and it spread in few months all over the world. Italy is the second country in the World for number of cases, and the diffusion of COVID-19 has followed a peculiar spatial pattern. However, the interest of scientific community has been devoted almost exclusively to the prediction of the disease evolution over time so far. Methods: Official freely available data about the number of infected at the finest possible level of spatial areal aggregation (Italian provinces) are used to model the spatio-temporal distribution of COVID-19 infections at local level. An endemic-epidemic time-series mixed-effects generalized linear model for areal disease counts has been implemented to understand and predict spatio-temporal diffusion of the phenomenon. Results: Three subcomponents characterize the fitted model. The first describes the transmission of the illness within provinces; the second accounts for the transmission between nearby provinces; the third is related to the evolution of the disease over time. At the local level, the provinces first concerned by containment measures are those that are not affected by the effects of spatial neighbours. On the other hand, the component accounting for the spatial interaction with surrounding areas is prevalent for provinces that are strongly involved by contagions. Moreover, the proposed model provides good forecasts of the number of infections at local level while controlling for delayed reporting. Conclusions: A strong evidence is found that strict control measures implemented in some provinces efficiently break contagions and limit the spread to nearby areas. While containment policies may potentially be more effective if planned considering the peculiarities of local territories, the effective and homogeneous enforcement of control measures at national level is needed to prevent the disease control being delayed or missed as a whole. This may also apply at international level where, as it is for the EU or the USA, the internal border checks among states have largely been abolished.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 288-306
Author(s):  
Andris Zimelis

This article reviews the main corruption literature trends and theoretical foundations and points out the challenges of existing explanations of corruption. The emphasis on broad national-level variables limits our understanding of corruption and anti-corruption processes at the local level. Corruption studies also suffer from the bias of focusing on developing countries and nation-states. These shortcomings can be remedied by using an integrated approach to studying corruption in western countries and cities.


1970 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
John Stubbs

This paper attempts to show that regional variations in the strength of labour force militancy can be an important factor in mediating the regional development of privatization. By taking the private contracting of New Zealand public hospital ancillary services as a specific case study, it is seen that, in some cases, labour militancy can lead to the elimination of private contracting. While acknowledging the need for further research on this issue, some tentative conclusions are drawn on the relevance of labour militancy to the privatization of public service provision in other social contexts.


2006 ◽  
pp. 133-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Arystanbekov

Kazakhstan’s economic policy results in 1995-2005 are considered in the article. In particular, the analysis of the relationship between economic growth and some indicators of nation states - population, territory, direct access to the World Ocean, and extraction of crude petroleum - is presented. Basic problems in the sphere of economic policy in Kazakhstan are formulated.


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