The Two Faces of Contemporary Eurasianism: An Imperial Version of Russian Nationalism

2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marlène Laruelle

The Eurasianist ideology is coming back on the Russian political and intellectual scene but also among the Turkic and Muslim elites in the Russian Federation and in Kazakhstan. The political, economic, social and identity difficulties of the transition invite Russians and other post-Soviet citizens to think about their relations with Europe and about the relevance of taking the West as a model. In this context of destabilization, Eurasianism proposes a geopolitical solution for the post-Soviet space. It presupposes the existence of a third continent between East and West, called “Eurasia,” and supports the idea of an organic unity of cultures born in this zone of symbiosis between Russian, Turkic, Muslim and even Chinese worlds. Neo-Eurasianism is the main ideology born among the different Russian conservative movements in the 1990s. Its theories are very little known, but the idea of an entity called Eurasia, regrouping the center of the old continent in which Russia would be “at home,” is more and more rife. It attracted many intellectuals and politicians in the first years after the collapse of the Soviet Union: Eurasianism was a way to explain the “disaster.”

1992 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-96
Author(s):  
Henry Huttenbach

A year ago it was still possible to review events within the regional confines of Transcaucasia. The three republics constituted a logical sub-unit of the Soviet Union. Subsequent events, however, no longer permit such a tidy delineation. A revolution is taking place: the Raspad, or Great Collapse, of which the dissolution of the USSR was but the beginning of a major political reshufflement throughout Eurasia, a continuing process that is still playing itself out in the entire Caucasian region. The demise of the trans-continental Soviet empire has left the three Transcaucasian successor states separated by international borders from the Russian Federation, Iran, and Turkey as well as from one another. Nevertheless, the dynamics of ethnic-fueled fragmentation, which initially helped bring down the power of Moscow, continues to gnaw away in defiance of any artificial frontiers, most of which cut through ethnic communities. Revisionist ethnic activities thrive on either sides of frontiers, especially those shared by Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Turkey, Iran, and the Russian Federation, thereby forcing one to consider the whole of Caucasia as the proper area of evaluation for the crucial year 1991-2. North and south of the mountainous divide, ethnic-driven politics proves all too clearly that the energies of the Raspad are anything but spent.


2009 ◽  
Vol 35 (S1) ◽  
pp. 237-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
PAUL KUBICEK

AbstractThe Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) was designed to manage the collapse of the Soviet Union and foster post-Soviet cooperation in political, economic, and security spheres. Over a decade into its existence, most analysts would rate it a failure: many post-Soviet states do not participate in CIS ventures, the institutional machinery of the CIS is weak, and Russia, the most dominant post-Soviet state, has tended to favour bi-lateral relationships over multi-lateral institutions. Why is this the case? This article looks at the CIS through the prism of theories of regionalism, demonstrating that the CIS was handicapped on many fronts, including emergent multi-polarity in the post-Soviet space and domestic-level political considerations in many post-Soviet states.


2017 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 816-831 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheila Fitzpatrick

The Russian Revolution has long been a subject of controversy among Russian/Soviet historians, both in the West and Russia/the Soviet Union. Now that the centenary has arrived, conferences are being held widely in Europe and the Americas, but less widely in the Russian Federation. For Putin’s regime, with its ambiguous relationship to the Soviet past, the centenary of the Russian Revolution is something of an embarrassment. An attempt to celebrate under the slogan of ‘reconciliation’ may or may not succeed.


Polylogos ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (№ 4 (18)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Artur Avakov

The article is devoted to the most famous integration organizations and programs in the post-Soviet space: CIS, CSTO, EAEU, GUAM, Union State of Belarus and Russia, Eastern Partnership. The work analyzes the stages of their formation, achievements and problems. For this, a systematic approach, a method of critical analysis, comparative historical and other scientific methods of cognition were used. Despite the collapse of the Soviet Union, political, economic and cultural ties between the new republics were preserved. After the USSR ceased to exist, a demand arose in the states of the post-Soviet space for new legal mechanisms and organizational formalization of these ties. The coexistence and struggle of various interests in the post-Soviet space predetermined a number of features in the emergence and functioning of integration projects.  


Rechtsidee ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Shahzada Rahim Abbas

Since the disintegration of USSR Eurasia has gained a new geopolitical and strategic significance. Fifteen Countries emerged as result of disintegration, among which only Russian Federation was the successor state. The post-soviet era especially the era of 1990s was a political and economic trauma for the Russian federation and the post-soviet space. But Eurasianists were well aware about the American unilateralism and American ‘Grand Chessboard strategy” that was solely aimed at encircling Russian geography. With these concerns, the Eurasianists advised the Russian political and military elites to initiate the Eurasian Union Project. This paper briefly sketches Russian historical Eurasian dream, which deeply rooted in Russian imperial history and discusses about the importance of Eurasian philosophy for the political and economic stability of Russia-Eurasia. The paper also illustrates about the challenges and opportunities for the Eurasian integration and for the establishment of multipolar world order. Moreover, the paper also briefly outlines the geopolitical rationale behind the Eurasian project as key objective of the contemporary Russian foreign policy and geopolitics.


The article considers the development of Z. Brzezinski’s geostrategic concept regarding Ukraine in the period from 1950 to 2017. The author attempts to determine the role Ukraine plays in Brzezinski’s geostrategy. The study concludes that Brzezinski’s geostrategic concept in relation to Ukraine is by and large the result of many years of geopolitical confrontation between the United States and Russia. Its key imperatives were first formulated as a means of undermining the national unity of the Soviet Union, and then were combined into a system for restraining Russia’s imperial aspirations and geopolitical ambitions in the post-Soviet space. In the author’s judgment, it is for this reason that the main fundamentals of this concept remained unchanged throughout the entire period under review (1950–2017), while certain aspects and tactical approaches were changed and adjusted depending on the state of relations between the West and Russia. This was most evident in the issue of Ukraine’s membership in NATO. Until 2014, when there were no sharp conflicts and contradictions in relations between the West and Russia, Brzezinski acted as a staunch advocate for Ukraine’s admission to the alliance in the foreseeable future. It is characteristic that during this period he was far from being embarrassed by the fact that Ukrainian society was divided on this issue, as was repeatedly pointed out by his opponents. He did not deny this, but he never considered reality to be something immutable and predetermined. On the contrary, in his opinion, it can and should be changed when necessary. From 2014, in a changing environment of escalating geopolitical confrontation with Russia, Brzezinski came to suggest that Ukraine should be denied the right to join the North Atlantic Alliance and Russia should be guaranteed the non-aligned status of Ukraine, referring, inter alia, to the lack of unity on this issue within Ukrainian society.


Author(s):  
Vasyl Ostapiak

An attempt has been made to analyze the implementation of the strategic partnership in a number of countries in the post-Soviet space, including the countries of the Asian region. The influence of historical, political, and economic imperatives, in particular, the influence of the breakup of the Soviet Union on the formation and implementation of the partnership through deepening of relations with Western countries, China, and Russian Federation, is analyzed. The necessity of further analysis of the strategic partnership of the countries of the Asian space in its geopolitical dimensions is proved. The author noted the need for further analysis of the study of the transformation processes of the post-Soviet countries of Asian space through their, without exaggeration, key influence on the geopolitical processes of the Eurasian region. It is noted that the Asian region is crucial in the process of further transformation of the political processes, which will be implemented taking into account the growth of China's economic indicators. Keywords: Strategic partnership, post-Soviet countries, Asian region, globalization, the USA, the Russian Federation


Author(s):  
Krzysztof Kozłowski

The article presents an analysis of the Orange Revolution and its influence on the political system of Ukraine. Generally, the events of 2004 are perceived as a democratic breakthrough in the modern political history of this country. In reality it turned out to be a revolution only by name. Behind a democratic façade the socalled revolution turned into an act of disobedience of disappointed clannish and oligarchic structures to the former president, Leonid Kuchma. The international observers had an impression, that Ukrainian events were a continuation of the democratization processes started by the fall of the Soviet Union. The article seeks answers to the questions concerning the true nature of the events of 2004 in Kiev, how were they influenced by the post-soviet experiences of the Ukrainian state and society, and finally was the Orange Revolution truly a step toward democratization of the post-soviet space?


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (127) ◽  
pp. 35-53
Author(s):  
O. Kondratenko

The content of the new geo-strategic status of the Russian Federation that emerged after the collapse of the world socialist system and the collapse of the Soviet Union. The strategic conditions in which Russia is closely linked to the geopolitical environment that developed after the emergence of new independent states, the department new Russian borders. Russia in comparison with the USSR lost 25% of the territory, more than half of the population and the industrial and economic potential. RF is currently trying to stick to the geopolitical balance between Europe and Asia with a view to obtaining the role of the Eurasian transcontinental bridge. At the same time Russia was faced with geopolitical realities, which are connected with the restriction of its communications and foreign policy capabilities influence both on the west and south-east directions in connection with the new status of yesterday’s post-Soviet republics. Ukraine, Belarus and other former Soviet states of Eastern Europe addressed by the Russian Federation only as a geopolitical buffer on the south-western strategic flank. In the end, on the South Caucasus and Central Asia is assigned as a buffer on the south and south-east strategic flanks. From the point of view of the Russian geostrategy «vulnerable» segment of the border remains, which borders with Poland and the Baltic states. However, in recent years, Russia gradually loses its geopolitical influence in Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova. There is a significant probability that in the medium term, Belarus will pay its strategic vector of foreign policy towards the EU and NATO. Such transformation in the foreign policy of the newly independent states will be another step in the destruction of geopolitical influence of Russia in the post-Soviet space. This situation is further more than changing the geopolitical landscape of the post-Soviet space and affects the geopolitical picture of the world as a whole.


2020 ◽  
pp. 245-265
Author(s):  
Арсен Артурович Григорян

Цель данной статьи - описать условия, в которых Армянская Апостольская Церковь вступила в эпоху правления Н. С. Хрущёва, начавшуюся в 1953 г. По содержанию статью можно поделить на две части: в первой даются сведения о количестве приходов на территории Советского Союза и за его пределами, а также о составе армянского духовенства в СССР; во второй излагаются проблемы, существовавшие внутри Армянской Церкви, и рассматриваются их причины. Методы исследования - описание и анализ. Ценность исследования заключается в использовании ранее неопубликованных документов Государственного архива Российской Федерации и Национального архива Армении. По итогам изучения фактического материала выделяются основные проблемы Армянской Апостольской Церкви на 1953 г.: финансовый дефицит, конфликт армянских католикосатов и стремление враждующих СССР и США использовать церковь в своих политических целях. The purpose of this article is to describe the conditions in which the Armenian Apostolic Church entered the epoch of the reign of N. S. Khrushchev, which began in 1953. The article can be divided into two parts: first one gives information about the number of parishes in the territory of the Soviet Union and beyond, and about the structure of the Armenian clergy in the USSR; the second one sets out the problems that existed in the Armenian Church and discusses their causes. Research methods - description and analysis. The value of the study lies in the use of previously unpublished documents of the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the National Archive of Armenia. Based on the results of studying the materials, the main problems of the Armenian Apostolic Church in 1953 are: financial deficit, the conflict of Armenian Catholicosates and the eagerness of USSR and the USA, that feuded with each other, to use the Сhurch for their political purposes.


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