scholarly journals Analyzing vulnerable children and adolescents’ health promotion in a civil-society organization in Florianopolis-SC

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruna Lima Selau ◽  
Douglas Francisco Kovaleski ◽  
Marina Bastos Paim
Keyword(s):  
Health Promotion ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Children And Adolescents ◽  
Community Empowerment ◽  
The State ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Civil Society Organization ◽  
Health Care Education ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Vulnerable Children

Abstract After the redemocratization, partnerships between the State and civil-society organizations have been guaranteed by the Constitution as a democratic tool. With the rise of neoliberalism and the decrease in State investments in social policies, such organizations have become protagonists in the health care, education, and protection of children in vulnerable situations. This study aims to analyze health promotion in the care for children and adolescents in a Civil-Society Organization (CSO) in Florianopolis-SC, Brazil. This is a case study with a qualitative approach in which semi-structured interviews were conducted, transcribed and analyzed using the thematic analysis method. The analysis resulted in two empirical categories: (1) Weaving networks between the State and Civil Society: intersectorality in health promotion; and (2) CSOs and the paths and deviations in pursuit of emancipatory health promotion. The analysis showed that, although CSOs include several health promotion initiatives for children and adolescents, intersectoral work still lacks effectiveness. Moreover, for emancipatory health promotion, it is necessary to work towards community empowerment and education for critical and social reflection.

Civil society versus nationalizing state? Advocacy of minority rights in the post-socialist Baltic states

2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timofey Agarin
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Minority Rights ◽  
State Policies ◽  
The State ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Baltic States ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Full Support ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
The Baltic

Strong civil society provides individuals with arenas to bring their interests to the attention of policymakers. In so doing, civil society organizations (CSOs) can support state policies, but can also criticize policies. This paper argues that most minority rights advocacy CSOs in the Baltic states have little say in the crafting of policy and are compartmentalized into the existing agendas, with only a few groups able to evaluate policies independently. It concludes that the Baltic civil society is weak because the CSOs working on minority issues ask policymakers either too much, or too little. The findings suggest that policymakers quell criticism of their work from the side of the CSOs by ignoring their activities. Alternatively, by funding the CSO that shores up the state agenda, policymakers delegate their responsibilities to civic actors, keep critical voices from public debates and claim that their policies have the full support of a vibrant civil society. This paper investigates the options available for civil society actors to relate to policymakers in a nationalizing state by drawing on the data collected in 77 semi-structured interviews with the CSOs working with Russian and Polish minorities in the Baltic states between 2006 and 2009.

scholarly journals Social participation in science: Perspectives of Spanish civil society organizations

2020 ◽  
pp. 096366252096066
Author(s):  
Carolina Llorente ◽  
Gema Revuelta ◽  
Mar Carrió
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
General Trend ◽  
Third Sector ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Mutual Understanding ◽  
Research System ◽  
Civil Society Organization ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Mutual Knowledge

There is a general trend toward more active, broader, and more inclusive participation of different stakeholders in science. Civil society organizations’ inclusion in the scientific process is being promoted. However, there are few attempts to understand the role of civil society organizations in research. This study is based on the analysis of 31 semi-structured interviews with Spanish civil society organization managers and representatives. Our main results regarding the current relationship between civil society organizations and the research system are (a) civil society organizations mainly participate in science within one single research moment and they are unaware of their potential. (b) We identify a lack of resources, mutual knowledge (among civil society organizations and academia), and capabilities as barriers for civil society organizations’ participation. (c) There is a need to strengthen links between civil society organizations and research by training in collaborative methodologies and communication skills, promoting participatory research, increasing mutual understanding about the research system and the third sector, and aligning research and civil society organizations’ objectives.

The elimination of violence and terrorism in Iraq strategy

2019 ◽  
pp. 375
Author(s):  
Mona Ali Duaij ◽  
Ahlam Ahmed Issa
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
The State ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Terrorist Organization ◽  
The Media ◽  
Causes Of Crime ◽  
Religious Aspect

All the Iraqi state institutions and civil society organizations should develop a deliberate systematic policy to eliminate terrorism contracted with all parts of the economic, social, civil and political institutions and important question how to eliminate Daash to a terrorist organization hostile and if he country to eliminate the causes of crime and punish criminals and not to justify any type of crime of any kind, because if we stayed in the curriculum of justifying legitimate crime will deepen our continued terrorism, but give it legitimacy formula must also dry up the sources of terrorism media and private channels and newspapers that have abused the Holy Prophet Muhammad (p) and all kinds of any of their source (a sheei or a Sunni or Christians or Sabians) as well as from the religious aspect is not only the media but a meeting there must be cooperation of both parts of the state facilities and most importantly limiting arms possession only state you can not eliminate terrorism and violence, and we see people carrying arms without the name of the state and remains somewhat carefree is sincerity honesty and patriotism the most important motivation for the elimination of violence and terrorism and cooperation between parts of the Iraqi people and not be driven by a regional or global international schemes want to kill nations and kill our bodies of Sunnis, sheei , Christians, Sabean and Yazidi and others.

Domestic Colonies

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Arneil
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Mentally Ill ◽  
Abraham Lincoln ◽  
The State ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Alexis De Tocqueville ◽  
Modern History ◽  
Peter Kropotkin

Colonization is generally defined as a process by which states settle and dominate foreign lands or peoples. Thus, modern colonies are assumed to be outside Europe and the colonized non-European. This volume contends such definitions of the colony, the colonized, and colonization need to be fundamentally rethought in light of hundreds of ‘domestic colonies’ proposed and/or created by governments and civil society organizations initially within Europe in the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries and then beyond. The three categories of domestic colonies in this book are labour colonies for the idle poor, farm colonies for the mentally ill, and disabled and utopian colonies for racial, religious, and political minorities. All of these domestic colonies were justified by an ideology of domestic colonialism characterized by three principles: segregation, agrarian labour, improvement, through which, in the case of labour and farm colonies, the ‘idle’, ‘irrational’, and/or custom-bound would be transformed into ‘industrious and rational’ citizens while creating revenues for the state to maintain such populations. Utopian colonies needed segregation from society so their members could find freedom, work the land, and challenge the prevailing norms of the society around them. Defended by some of the leading progressive thinkers of the period, including Alexis de Tocqueville, Abraham Lincoln, Peter Kropotkin, Robert Owen, Tommy Douglas, and Booker T. Washington, the turn inward to colony not only provides a new lens with which to understand the scope of colonization and colonialism in modern history but a critically important way to distinguish ‘the colonial’ from ‘the imperial’ in Western political theory and practice.

scholarly journals Trajectories of Civil Society Leaders in Italy: Individual Careers, Organizational Structures, and Ideological Affiliations

SAGE Open ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 215824402110615
Author(s):  
Cecilia Santilli ◽  
Roberto Scaramuzzino
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
National Level ◽  
Organizational Structures ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
The Third ◽  
Career Trajectories ◽  
Member Organization ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
The Relationship

The aim of this paper is to explore the relationship between individual leaders’ career trajectories and organizational structure and identity in Italian civil society organizations (CSOs) active at national level. The analysis in this qualitative study draws on two sets of data, semi-structured interviews with leaders on their career trajectories and their understanding of what it takes to become a leader of a CSO and short biographies of leaders’ career trajectories. Three main representational logics are idenitified: within: multi-level, within: member-organization, and outside: supporting organization. The two first logics are based on a trajectory within the organizations either departing from the local and regional levels of the same organizations or within one or more member organizations. The third logic is based on a trajectory outside the organization that is marked by the ideological affiliation of the president through leading positions in other organizations within the same movement or field.

Rethinking Legitimation: Positional and Mediated Legitimation Processes for Croatian NGOs

2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 475-498
Author(s):  
Laura J. Heideman
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Organizational Form ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Archival Data ◽  
Civil Society Organization ◽  
Political Transitions ◽  
Dominant Form ◽  
The Past ◽  
Multiple Audiences ◽  
New Type

How do new forms of organizations legitimate themselves? Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have emerged as a dominant form of civil society organization in the past 35 years, often in societies undergoing social and political transitions. This paper analyzes legitimation processes for NGOs in postwar and postcommunist Croatia using interview and archival data. Starting from a principle that legitimation is a process involving multiple audiences, I examine the mechanisms NGOs use to legitimate themselves to different audiences. I find that Croatian civil society organizations adopted the NGO organizational form to legitimate themselves to international actors, who in turn pressured the Croatian government to accept these organizations as legitimate. However, the actions NGOs took to legitimate themselves to international actors undermined their legitimacy with the Croatian public. This case demonstrates that legitimation is a challenging prospect for a new type of organization, especially given the fragile nature of mediated legitimacy and the conflicting priorities of different audiences.

Necessary but Insufficient: Civil Society in International Mediation

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Georgia Jewett
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
The State ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Mediation Process ◽  
Military Assistance ◽  
Complex Environment ◽  
Civil Conflicts ◽  
International Mediation

Abstract Civil conflicts are more intractable and complex than ever before. In these conflicts, civilians are increasingly targeted and weaponized. Yet, because civilians are disproportionately affected by the ensuing violence and instability, they also have a larger role to play in the peacemaking process. This stems from the fact that local civil society organizations (CSO) assume new responsibilities vis-a-vis their communities as the state disintegrates. They often became the coordinators and providers of basic security and services. Unsurprisingly, CSO leaders often emerge as the only credible and authoritative actors in this complex environment, trusted by both the disputing parties and the affected communities. This article argues that CSOs are necessary to any international mediation process; however, they must be leveraged in conjunction with conventional third party mediator resources (that is, financial, technical and military assistance) to maximize the potential of an enduring peace deal.

Introduction

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 451-460
Author(s):  
Alfred Evans ◽  
Eleanor Bindman
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political System ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Civil Society Organization ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Recent Developments

This article serves as an introduction to this special issue on recent developments in civil society organization and strategies in Russia. Despite the widespread assumption that the increased restrictions placed on NGO activity by the state in recent years have hampered their ability to operate, we argue that civil society in Russia continues to show signs of vitality. This is demonstrated by the fact that protests by ordinary Russians have grown and have often led to the formation of new groups and movements which have had some success in campaigning on specific issues. As the articles in this special issue highlight, one of the key tools affecting whether or not such movements can be successful in achieving their aims is that of framing. When organizations are able to frame the issue they are campaigning on in such a way as to resonate with ordinary people and avoid directly challenging the balance of power within Russia’s political system, they tend to enjoy more success than those groups which tend to take a more confrontational stance and thus face greater pushback and sanction from the authorities. This serves to highlight that NGOs and other civil society groups in Russia employ a range of different strategies and enjoy very different relationships with the authorities as a result.

scholarly journals Women's Voices in Civil Society Organizations: Evidence from a Civil Society Mapping Project in Mali

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie Bleck ◽  
Jessica Gottlieb ◽  
Katrina Kosec
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Organizational Capacity ◽  
Political Knowledge ◽  
The State ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Rural And Urban ◽  
Self Help Groups ◽  
Technical Capacity

How does women's engagement in civil society organizations (CSOs) differ from that of men, and what factors predict women's willingness to hold the state accountable? We analyze these questions in the context of rural and urban Mali, leveraging face-to-face data collected as part of a civil society mapping project during February -- March 2020 and December 2020, and an in-depth survey conducted with leaders from a randomly-selected subset of these CSOs during January -- March 2021. First, we explore the characteristics of women's groups compared to other CSOs. Second, we explore their likelihood of sanctioning a hypothetical corrupt mayor. We use an embedded survey experiment to try to understand these groups' willingness to report on the mayor as well as the payments they expect to receive from the mayor in order to not share information about the mayor's corruption. We find that women in Mali are often highly organized at the local level---frequently in self-help groups or organizations related to gendered economic activities. However, these more economically-focused groupings of Malian women frequently do not translate into civic activity. They are not typically recognized by outside actors as viable CSOs that could incentivize better governance; their strong networks and group infrastructure represent untapped social capital. We also find that CSOs comprised of women have lower informational and technical capacity, especially due to lower levels of political knowledge, and incur a higher cost of sanctioning public officials---though they have greater mobilization capacity. Women's engagement in decision-making in the home also predicts one's CSO being more hierarchical and having greater technical capacity, as well as having higher expected transfers from the mayor---findings that do not vary with respondent or CSO gender. Turning to the extent to which women involved in CSOs are willing to sanction the state, we find that they are generally less willing than men to sanction, but become more likely when their CSO is less hierarchical, when their technical capacity is higher, and when their political knowledge is greater. However, priming their importance as a CSO (by telling them they were identified by well-connected citizens as being influential) actually reduces sanctioning---perhaps by making them fear that those recommending them will engage in reprisals. Overall, our findings provide useful evidence on the organizational capacity of women and how it is likely to affect the state.

scholarly journals IS THERE CIVIL SOCIETY IN BANGLADESH?

2018 ◽  
pp. 36-38
Author(s):  
M. S. Islam
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Development ◽  
The State ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Historical Method ◽  
The Government ◽  
And Control ◽  
Local Levels

Сivil society is a group of people excluded from the government and the army and providing a counterbalance and control of the state at the national and local levels in the country. In Bangladesh, since independence in 1971, civil society organizations have been successfully involved in social development, but they have been criticized not to be able promote democracy in Bangladesh because of their support for political parties. Therefore, it impedes strong opposition to corruption and non-democratic activities in the country. In this article, using the historical method, the author analyzes the features and role of civil society in Bangladesh.

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