Sexism and the Australian voter: how sexist attitudes influenced vote choice in the 2019 federal election

AbstractThis paper examines the extent to which ambivalent sexism toward women influenced vote choice among American women during the 2016 Presidential election. I examine how this varied between white women and women of color. The 2016 American National Election Study (ANES) features several measures from the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI)—a scale developed by Glick and Fiske (1996) to assess sexist attitudes toward women. An index of these measures is used to examine the extent to which ambivalent sexist attitudes influenced women's vote choice for Donald Trump, controlling for racial resentment, partisanship, attitudes toward immigrants, economic anxiety, and socio-demographics. On the one hand, my findings indicate that ambivalent sexism was a powerful influence on women's Presidential vote choice in 2016, controlling for other factors. However, this finding, based on a model ofall women votersis misleading, once an intersectional approach is undertaken. Once the data are disaggregated by gender and race, white women's political behavior proves very different than women of color. Among white women, ambivalent sexist views positively and significantly predicts vote choice for Trump, controlling for all other factors. However, for women of color, this relationship was negative and posed no statistical significant relationship to voting for Trump. Scholarship in gender and politics that does not account for group differences in race/ethnicity may present misleading results, which are either underestimated or overestimated.

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Demand without Supply: Populist Attitudes without Salient Supply-Side Factors of Populism

Canadian Journal of Political Science ◽

10.1017/s0008423921000779 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 1-21

Author(s):

Mike Medeiros

Keyword(s):

Present Article ◽

Political Discourse ◽

Vote Choice ◽

Supply Side ◽

Demand Side ◽

Federal Election ◽

Electoral Success ◽

Fertile Ground ◽

Attitudinal Dimension ◽

Supply Side Factors

Abstract Populism's electoral success has been linked to socio-economic crises and to inflammatory political discourse. However, little is known of populist attitudes in contexts in which these supply-side factors are not salient. The present article diverges from the conception of populism that sees it as being activated or fuelled by contextual factors and, rather, conceives populism as an ideological attitudinal dimension that can have an impact on vote choice when supply-side factors are not salient. Using the particular context of the 2015 Canadian federal election as a case to test this theory, empirical analyses support this conception of populism by demonstrating that populist attitudes can be relatively prominent and even impact vote choice in a setting in which the traditional supply-side factors to activate or fuel populism are not salient. Ultimately, populism is shown to be an important demand-side attitudinal dimension even when there is little or no fertile ground for it.

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Campaigns, candidate evaluations, and vote choice: Evidence from German federal election campaigns, 1980–2002

Electoral Studies ◽

10.1016/j.electstud.2006.06.009 ◽

2007 ◽

Vol 26 (2) ◽

pp. 324-337 ◽

Cited By ~ 9

Author(s):

Harald Schoen

Keyword(s):

Vote Choice ◽

Election Campaigns ◽

Federal Election ◽

Candidate Evaluations

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The Rise of Third Parties in the 1993 Canadian Federal Election: Pinard Revisited

Canadian Journal of Political Science ◽

10.1017/s0008423904020554 ◽

2004 ◽

Vol 37 (3) ◽

pp. 581-594 ◽

Cited By ~ 8

Author(s):

Éric Bélanger

Keyword(s):

Third Parties ◽

Vote Choice ◽

Third Party ◽

Election Study ◽

Major Party ◽

Federal Election ◽

Individual Level ◽

Using Data ◽

The Individual ◽

Party Dominance

Abstract. This study proposes a new test of Maurice Pinard's theory on the rise of third parties applied to the case of the 1993 Canadian federal election. We assess the effect at the individual level of Pinard's factors (one-party dominance and grievances) on support for the Reform party and the Bloc Québécois using data from the Canadian Election Study. Logistic regression analyses of vote choice indicate that the extent to which the second major party was perceived to be electorally weak at the constituency level was a significant factor in leading some Western voters to support Reform. In Quebec, however, perceptions of predominance did not matter to a vote for the Bloc because the latter is a “radical” third party attracting support mostly on the basis of communal values and interests. The results further show that political grievances, but not economic ones, were a significant predictor of support for both third parties in that election.Résumé. Cette étude propose un nouveau test empirique de la théorie de Maurice Pinard concernant la percée électorale des tiers partis. L'impact des facteurs de Pinard (prédominance d'un parti et présence de griefs) sur l'appui au Parti réformiste et au Bloc québécois à l'élection fédérale canadienne de 1993 est vérifié au niveau micro-sociologique à l'aide des données de l'Étude sur l'élection canadienne. Les analyses de régression logistique du vote indiquent que la perception que certains électeurs de l'Ouest avaient de la faible compétitivité du second parti traditionnel dans leur circonscription les a encouragés à appuyer le Parti réformiste. Au Québec, les perceptions de prédominance n'ont cependant pas eu d'effet significatif sur le vote en faveur du Bloc en raison du fait que ce dernier est un tiers parti “ radical ” dont l'appui repose principalement sur des valeurs et des intérêts de groupe. Les résultats indiquent enfin que, contrairement aux griefs de nature économique, les griefs politiques régionaux ont significativement contribué au succès électoral des deux partis.

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The Impact of Issues and the Economy in the 1997 Canadian Federal Election

Canadian Journal of Political Science ◽

10.1017/s0008423902778293 ◽

2002 ◽

Vol 35 (2) ◽

pp. 409-421 ◽

Cited By ~ 4

Author(s):

André Blais ◽

Richard Nadeau ◽

Elisabeth Gidengil ◽

Neil Nevitte

Keyword(s):

Vote Choice ◽

Affected Individual ◽

Federal Election ◽

Individual Vote ◽

The Impact ◽

Made In

This article examines the impact of issues and the economy in the 1997 Canadian election among voters outside Quebec. The authors show that both factors affected individual vote choice and provide estimates of how much difference the issues and the economy made in the election. It appears that the issues were decisive for 9 per cent of the voters and the economy for 4 per cent. Issues mattered more than the economy for individual vote choice. The net impact of both the issues and the economy on vote support for the different parties was practically nil. The findings indicate that the Liberal victory cannot be imputed to the economy or the issues.

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A New Dataset on the Demographics of Canadian Federal Election Candidates

Canadian Journal of Political Science ◽

10.1017/s0008423921000391 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 1-9

Author(s):

Anna Johnson ◽

Erin Tolley ◽

Melanee Thomas ◽

Marc André Bodet

Keyword(s):

District Level ◽

Research Note ◽

Vote Choice ◽

Federal Election ◽

Electoral Outcome ◽

Political Communications ◽

Track Candidate ◽

Over Time

Abstract This research note reports on a new effort to track candidate diversity in Canadian elections. The dataset covers 4,516 candidates who ran in the 2008, 2011, 2015 and 2019 federal elections and includes novel data on their race, Indigenous background and age, alongside information on gender, occupation, prior electoral experience and electoral outcome. We outline the process for collecting and systematizing these data, which relied on genealogical methods and the principle of triangulation. The data can be used to track diversity among electoral candidates over time or merged with other sources to answer district-level questions about representational diversity, electoral dynamics, vote choice and political communications. The method could also be replicated and applied to other levels of government.

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Cross-Level Partisanship in Concurrent Federal-Provincial Elections:

Federalism-E ◽

10.24908/fede.v20i1.12828 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 20 (1) ◽

pp. 1-24

Author(s):

Steven Thomas Patterson

Keyword(s):

Research Design ◽

Research Question ◽

Relevant Literature ◽

Vote Choice ◽

Federal Election ◽

Party Preference ◽

Canadian Provinces ◽

Party Vote Shares ◽

Election Studies ◽

Concurrent Elections

The purpose of this project is to explore the following research question: do same day (i.e. concurrent) provincial-federal elections exhibit a higher degree of cross-level partisanship than non-concurrent elections? This paper proposes that concurrent elections lead to a convergence in voters evaluations of federal-provincial co-partisans, and that this results in a higher degree of cross-level partisanship than in non-concurrent elections. Using 2011 Canada Election Studies (CES) data on federal party vote choice and provincial party preference, this paper will project the results of concurrent federal-provincial elections for three Canadian provinces. The results of these projected concurrent elections will be compared to actual party vote shares received in the first provincial election held following the 2011 Canadian federal election. The comparison of these data will be used to test the hypothesis that concurrent elections have a higher degree of cross-level partisanship than non-concurrent elections. This paper consists of five sections. First, I introduce the aims of this research and discuss its theoretical and substantive significance by referencing relevant literature. Second, a comprehensive theoretical framework is developed to explain why cross-level partisanship is expected to be higher in a concurrent election. Third, I outline the research design and methodology used to test this causal hypothesis. Fourth, I report and interpret my findings which show that overall cross-level partisanship was slightly higher in projected concurrent elections. I conclude by discussing the implications and limits of this study.

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