scholarly journals Perceived group threats and right-wing political party membership as driving forces of negative descriptions in Turkish Parliamentary debates (1983–2018)

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Türkay Salim Nefes
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Driving Forces ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Party Membership ◽  
Parliamentary Debates

Nationalism, Not Islam

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Faridullah Bezhan
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Driving Forces ◽  
World War ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Religious Establishment

Wish Zalmiyan or the ‘Awaken Youth Party’ (AYP) was the first political party to operate openly in Afghanistan. It enjoyed support from the intelligentsia and the monarchical regime. The AYP’s key ideological elements were nationalism and constitutionalism. While they made the party popular with a segment of the ruling elite and the intelligentsia, they brought resentment from the religious establishment for which Islam was the only ideology to be followed and the Quran the only constitution the country needed. This chapter examines how, in the aftermath of World War II, most members of the urban Afghan educated class leaned towards nationalism and constitutionalism as the driving forces for new political dynamics and the progress of the country. It explores what type of nationalism the Wish Zalmiyan party was advocating.

Populism and the rational choice model: The case of the French National Front

2021 ◽  
pp. 104346312199596
Author(s):  
François Facchini ◽  
Louis Jaeck
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
General Model ◽  
Choice Model ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Utility Model ◽  
National Front ◽  
General Process ◽  
Expressive Voting ◽  
Rational Choice Model ◽  
Political Norms

This article proposes a general model of partisan political dealignment based on the theory of expressive voting. It is based on the Riker and Odershook equation. Voters cast a ballot for a political party if the utility associated with expressing their support for it is more than their expressive costs. Expressive utility is modeled here as a certain utility model. Then, the model is applied to the rise of voting support in favor of French right-wing populists, the National Front (FN). We show that the fall of justification costs of FN ideology along with the decline in stigmatization costs of voting in favor of the extreme right has fostered the popularity of this party. Political dealignment here is only a particular case of a general process of political norms transgression inherited by each voter.

Party systems and ideological cleavages in the Middle East and North Africa

2020 ◽  
pp. 135406881989429
Author(s):  
Abdullah Aydogan
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Mena Region ◽  
Quantitative Evidence ◽  
Mena Countries

Previous studies have contrasted the political party systems in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) with those in more democratic countries, raising three important points: (1) the religious–secular dimension, rather than the economic or social left–right, explains the underlying political party competition; (2) left-wing politics is relatively weaker than right-wing politics; and (3) parties that are traditionally known as rightist take left-leaning positions on numerous issue dimensions, and vice versa. Even though this particular literature on party politics in the MENA has greatly improved our understanding of political dynamics in the region, these studies have either lacked quantitative evidence to support these points or their evidence was limited to single-country cases. This study aims to address this issue by analyzing original expert survey data of the ideological positions of political parties in the MENA region. Results show that in addition to the religious–secular dimension, the economic left–right divide and the pace of political reforms are highly important dimensions. The study also provides numerous examples showing that the policy stances of leftist and rightist parties are significantly reversed when MENA countries are compared with more developed democracies.

scholarly journals Review: Useful but flawed survey of media role in bleak political landscape

2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 252
Author(s):  
Philip Cass
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Focus Group ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Control Policy ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Party Membership ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
The Media

Review of: Politics and the Media, edited by Babak Bahador, Geoff Kemp, Kate McMillan and Chris Rudd. Auckland: Pearson, 2013. ISBN 978144255826A generaton after the capitalist roaders took over the New Zealand Labour Party, the country’s political landscape is bleak. As described in this new book, it is one in which no political party is interested in any ideology except staying in power, no party will do anything that might offend a focus group, PR hacks control policy, political party membership has all but disappeared, the public is almost totally disengaged and most of the media has neither the time, the skill nor the inclination to cover politics.

Party Members and Activists in Latin America

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Meléndez ◽  
Sebastián Umpierrez de Reguero
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Research Area ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Party Membership ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Future Research Agenda ◽  
Party Members

Despite existing literature that often conflates the terms party membership and party activism, the first is a formal ascription with a given party organization, while the second entails a set of practices, whether sporadic, informal, or devoted, that (a group of) individuals perform to support a political party either during an electoral campaign or more permanently, independently of being enrolled in the party or not. Party members and activists can be analyzed from both the normative model of democracy and the inner functioning of political parties. Focusing on Latin America, party membership and party activism are related to various types of party organizations, social cleavages, and party identification. Individuals join, and/or work for, parties to gain tangible benefits, information, social advantages, and influence, as well as mental satisfaction, without which they could lose financial resources, time, and alternative opportunities. Moreover, prior contributions on party membership and activism based on Latin American countries has emphasized the functions party supporters have as connectors between the citizenry and the party organizations. In this regard, scholars conceive members’ participation not only as a mechanism for party rootedness (“vertical” function), but also as a connection between social and partisan arenas (“horizontal” function). In the region, the research area of party membership and activism portrays virtues and limitations in methodological terms both at the aggregate and the individual level. As a future research agenda, party membership and activism in Latin America should be further studied using comparative strategies, avoiding the pitfalls of public opinion research, not to mention making additional efforts to keep the two terms conceptually distinct. Also, party members and activists can be explored in transnational perspective, joining forces with the blooming literature of political party abroad.

Using Social Network Analysis (SNA) to Study Members and Activists of Political Parties

2020 ◽  
Vol 147-148 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 13-48
Author(s):  
Emilien Paulis
Keyword(s):  
Social Network ◽  
Social Network Analysis ◽  
Network Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Methodological Approach ◽  
Network Data ◽  
Party Member ◽  
Party Membership ◽  
Local Party

This article explores the development of my PhD dissertation’s methodological approach, based on Social Network Analysis (SNA), or the collection and analysis of network data, in order to deal with political parties and their members (party membership). I extensively relied on this alternative, growing methodological background in three extents. First (1), SNA was used to analyze bibliographic references related to my dissertation topic, i.e. party membership studies, and identify the most central authors, thereby illustrating the literature review while describing their key contributions. Second (2), SNA was employed to collect and analyze network data likely to better grasp how interpersonal networks affect the probability for a random citizen to turn into party member, assuming that social influence matters in the process of joining a political party. Third (3), I further capitalized on SNA to deal with the question of party activism and why some members become active whereas others remain passive, arguing theoretically and showing empirically that part of the answer lies in members’ position within their local party branch’s social network. Each of these three applications is discussed in the light of the main methodological developments, the empirical findings and their interpretation, while shortcomings and research opportunities are more systematically highlighted at the end.

Big Business and the Failure of Right-Wing Catalan Nationalism, 1901–1923

1976 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 901-918 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Harrison
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Big Business ◽  
Electoral Success

The rise of modern Catalan nationalist sentiments dates from the last quarter of the nineteenth century. In essence, these sentiments reflected a growing political, intellectual and, to a lesser extent economic resentment within the region of Catalonia against the Restoration regime which was imposed upon Spain in 1875. The breakthrough of Catalan nationalism, or regionalism as it is sometimes called, to become a significant force in Spanish politics followed the victory of four Catalanist candidates in the elections to the Cortes of 1901. Shortly afterwards the groups responsible for that electoral success came together to establish what was, with the possible exception of the Socialists (P.S.O.E.), the first modern political party of Spain, the Lliga Regionalista. Significantly, the foundation of the Lliga marked a turning point in the nature of Catalan nationalism, or at least its dominant strain. Of the four candidates elected in 1901, all for Barcelona seats, three represented economic interests. Indeed, much more than that, they were, or had been, presidents of three of the most powerful big business organisations of the region.

Debating the 2015 Islam law in Austrian Parliament: Between legal recognition and Islamophobic populism

2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 392-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farid Hafez
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
The Other ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Legal Recognition ◽  
Parliamentary Debates

This article analyses the two national parliamentary debates on the new Islam law of 2015 using a Viennese School of Critical Discourse Analysis. It asks how the new Islam law was framed from the perspectives of the political parties in power and of those in opposition. It also shows in detail which arguments were raised to defend, alter or support the proposed law by identifying the list of topoi used. It asks especially how racist arguments were debated between on one side a comparably tolerant Austrian system of laws on religion, and on the other, the dominant right-wing populist Freedom Party of Austria, which aimed to foster Islamophobia.

Debating or displaying political positions?

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 571-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helmut Gruber
Keyword(s):  
Third Party ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Government Program ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Inaugural Speech ◽  
Global Discourse ◽  
The Government ◽  
Global And Local ◽  
Discourse Units

Abstract This paper investigates the reference statements and rhetorical functions of politicians’ reactive (“uptaking”) statements in parliamentary debates as well as their self-positioning effects. Uptaking moves may be used by speakers for pursuing strategic, global discourse aims. The specific properties of such ‘uptaking’ utterances and their sequential embedding in the unfolding discourse provide analysts with cues of speakers’ global interactional goals. Results indeed show how global and local pragmatic factors impact content, form, and rhetorical function of MPs’ uptaking statements. The data comprises four Austrian parliamentary sessions, which follow the inaugural speech each newly appointed Austrian chancellor has to deliver in the Austrian national assembly at the beginning of a legislative term. Overall, four fifths of the uptaking discourse units (consisting of ‘reference to previous statement plus comment’) refer to the government program, the inaugural speech or a previous MPs’ statement. Whereas a closer investigation of the reference statements seems to indicate a left wing vs. right wing rhetorical pattern (with left wing and center parties referring to ‘official’ sources, while right wing parties set their own topical agenda), investigating the rhetorical functions of the uptaking discourse units reveals a clear government vs. opposition (but no party-specific) rhetoric: Government party MPs praise the government program (or the inaugural speech), opposition party speakers criticize it. Both groups thus focus on the interpersonal plain of interaction. In contrast, argumentative (or counter-argumentative) uptaking discourse units which would indicate speakers’ willingness to enter into a rational discourse (in a Habermasian sense) with their political opponents are extremely rare. Through their rhetorical activities, the vast majority of government and opposition speakers thus reinforce and perpetuate already known political stances and affiliations in front of a third party (i.e. the general public watching the debates via TV or Internet livestream) rather than presenting themselves as rational, problem-focused politicians.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document