scholarly journals The political choices and outlooks of the Estonian Swedish national minority, 1917–1920

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Mart Kuldkepp
2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-63
Author(s):  
Panagiotis Liargovas ◽  
Nikolaos Apostolopoulos

Abstract The focus of this article is on the main aspects of economic governance in Greece during the period 2015–19 where the syriza-anel coalition party was in power. In August 2015, the syriza-anel government faced the dilemma either to accept a new agreement with the EU partners (as eventually happened) or go bankrupt and leave the Eurozone, becoming detached from EU solidarity mechanisms. A third program was agreed, offering Greece an additional €86 billion loan over a three-year period. The third programme was unnecessary considering that the syriza-anel governance inherited 0.8% growth rate and some progress in the structural reforms demanded during the first two agreements in 2010 and 2011. However, the political choices made had the consequence of Greece returning to recession in 2015 and 2016.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-24
Author(s):  
Herman G.B. Teule

In the Middle Eastern societies, Christians traditionally define themselves as religious communities or churches. This is a continuation of the Ottoman millet system, where religion determined the place one had in society and the patriarch was responsible for the insertion of his community into the state. It not only preserves the traditional ecclesiastical divisions based on dogmatic divergences and church politics but also transposes them to the political field.For a few decades, many lay politicians in Syria considered this system as detrimental to Christian interests. They developed the idea of a common ethnic identity for all churches using Syriac. New political circumstances in Iraq made it possible to give a political translation of this idea by the creation of Christian political parties, defending common ethnic minority rights. Despite some positive results, attempts at creating unity failed, not only because a lack of unanimity about certain political choices but also about the idea of ethnic identity itself.


Author(s):  
Ana Rita Ferreira ◽  
Daniel Carolo ◽  
Mariana Trigo Pereira ◽  
Pedro Adão e Silva

This article discusses the ways in which the Constitution of the Portuguese Republic has embodied to the political choices made during the process of creating and defining a democratic welfare state and how the various constitutional principles are reflected in the architecture of the system and have gradually changed over the years. The authors argue that when Portugal transitioned to democracy, unlike other areas of the country’s social policies the social security system retained some of its earlier organising principles. Having said this, this resilience on the part of the Portuguese system’s Bismarckian template has not prevented social protection from expanding here in accordance with universal principles, and has given successive governments manoeuvring room in which to define programmatically distinct policies and implement differentiated reformist strategies. The paper concludes by arguing that while the Constitution has not placed an insurmountable limit on governments’ political action, it has served as a point of veto, namely by means of the way in which the Constitutional Court has defended the right to social protection, be it in the form of social insurance, be it in the imposition of certain social minima.


1979 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marjorie Mowlam

CENTRAL TO THE STUDY OF DEMOCRATIC POLITICS IS THE IDEA of popular control over the activities of elites. More specifically, how can the preferences of citizens be aggregated into a political choice for a government policy or government personnel? Popular control, the effects of citizen participation in political life, is the basis of a major value orientation in the discipline: the notion of participant democracy. The degree of citizen participation becomes the key to the nature of democracry in a society : the more participation, the more democratic the political life of a country becomes. Political participation may take a variety of forms, e.g., running for office, holding office,voting, soliciting votes, and campaigning for, or contributing funds to, I the party of one's choice. However, voting is the most emphasized aspect of citizen participation, since it is the only form of active participation many engage in. The limitations placed on voting as a mechanism for popular control over political choices are well documented. Voters do not choose when to vote, nor the agenda. They have minimal input into the selection of candidates and the choice of issues which divide the parties at elections. Public participation in the selection and resolution of important policy issues between elections is severely restricted.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-343
Author(s):  
Frances Coppola

For the last 40 years, macroeconomics has been dominated by Milton Friedman’s view that inflation occurs when the supply of money rises more quickly than economic output – ‘too much money chasing too few goods’, as the saying goes. If inflation is always due to an imbalance of money supply and output, central banks alone determine the path of inflation, and fiscal policy merely has a redistributive function. This paper draws on historical and empirical evidence as well as recent theoretical literature to show that this view is mistaken. Monetary policy has redistributive effects, and fiscal policy affects the money supply. It is therefore impossible to separate them in practice. Both fiscal and monetary policy have inflationary consequences, and because their distributional effects are different, monetary policy cannot fully offset fiscal decisions. Fiscal and monetary policy are influenced by political decisions and are themselves political in nature. Since inflation reflects spending and saving patterns which are affected by political choices, it is fundamentally a political phenomenon.


Author(s):  
Mariela I. Noles Cotito

The formulation of legislation aimed at promoting and protecting the rights of racial and ethnic minorities in Latin America is a phenomenon that only became prevalent in the late 20th century. In fact, it was not until the end of the 1980s that a number of countries in the region began the process of constructing Black citizenship and providing Black people citizenship rights. During this period, deemed “multicultural constitutionalism,” some Latin American countries began to identify as multicultural states and/or included Black and Afro-descendant populations in their constitutional texts. The second stage of this process continued between 1990 and 2000, wherein some countries adopted a number of policies to address and eradicate racial inequality. Through these political choices, the adopting countries moved away from a structure of color-blind legalism and toward the official recognition of Indigenous and Black peoples’ collective rights. In Peru, although the political constitution was not amended, a robust body of ethno-racial legislation was introduced after the year 2000, demarking a structural shift in the country’s racial politics. This normative integration included the development of a number of national institutions and the promulgation of political measures promoting the advancement of Afro-descendants and other ethnic minorities. This integration process also led to the revision of existing legislation on racism and racial discrimination. By enacting this process, Peru committed to developing a process that would recognize Black citizenship in the country—one that began with the recognition of the political subjectivity of Black Peruvians and the creation of institutions for their social and political advancement.


Author(s):  
Melvin J. Hinich

This article focuses on serious problems regarding the recent research agenda in political economy that are likely to continue in the future. The first problem discussed is the multidimensional political choices, followed by the lack of equilibrium in political games. This is followed by the lack of common knowledge and the complex non-linear dynamics of the political/economical system. The discussion presented in this article is within the context of electoral politics.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 578-590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana Janušauskienė

This article examines the role of ethnicity in the formation of political cleavage and is based on the analysis of the political agenda of the Polish national minority in Lithuania after the re-establishment of the independent state in 1990. It analyzes the political performance of the Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania (EAPL), an ethnic-based “niche” political party that tends to keep a monopoly over the representation of interests of the Polish minority in Lithuania and collects a vast majority of the votes of citizens of Polish origin. The article considers how specific in comparison to the titular nation the interests of the Polish national minority are, and how different in comparison to the political agendas of other political parties the political agenda of the EAPL is.


Author(s):  
Nur Ainiyah

This study aims to show how the role of women's political communication in the city of santri (a student in Islamic boarding school) in facing political power that is dominated by men in Situbondo. It becomes a development in women's political communication in a practical and scientific manner. The reality of the political climate in Situbondo is inseparable from the influence of the kyai as religious and cultural figures, so each of his political perceptions and views certainly has its own perspective and far from gender justice. Consequently, this affects the political space for female santri in Situbondo. In this research, building theoretical interconnections from building theoretical frameworks used such as political communication, gender analysis and phenomenology, related to the focus of research. With a qualitative-explorative research approach, several steps in the procedure of collecting observational data, interviews and documentation are applied consistently and continuously. The results of the research are firstly Santri woman has a political outlook with the benefit of minimizing conflict; secondly cultural barriers as a medium of political communication are effectively overcome by female santri. Besides, female santri tend to override political choices by preferring the political choices of the figures they envision for benefit purposes.


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