Language of conflict: discourses of the Ukrainian crisis

2022 ◽  
pp. 1-3
Author(s):  
Jingyi Huang
Keyword(s):  
Ukrainian Crisis

Russian Federation and the United States of America: geostrategic directions to manage the Ukrainian crisis

2019 ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Attarid Awadh Abdulhameed
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
National Security ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
Zero Sum

Ukrainia Remains of huge importance to Russian Strategy because of its Strategic importance. For being a privileged Postion in new Eurasia, without its existence there would be no logical resons for eastward Expansion by European Powers.  As well as in Connection with the progress of Ukrainian is no less important for the USA (VSD, NDI, CIA, or pentagon) and the European Union with all organs, and this is announced by John Kerry. There has always ben Russian Fear and Fear of any move by NATO or USA in the area that it poses a threat to  Russians national Security and its independent role and in funence  on its forces especially the Navy Forces. There for, the Crisis manyement was not Zero sum game, there are gains and offset losses, but Russia does not accept this and want a Zero Sun game because the USA. And European exteance is a Foot hold in Regin Which Russian sees as a threat to its national security and want to monopolize control in the strategic Qirim.

Considering the Sub-Regional Cooperation in East-Central Europe – Some Conclusions on Integrating and Disintegrating Tendencies in the Sub-Regional Dialogue

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacek Wieclawski
Keyword(s):  
Central Europe ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
East Central Europe ◽  
East Central ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
Regional Interests ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
East Central European

This article discusses the problems of the sub-regional cooperation in East-Central Europe. It formulates the general conclusions and examines the specific case of the Visegrad Group as the most advanced example of this cooperation. The article identifies the integrating and disintegrating tendencies that have so far accompanied the sub-regional dialogue in East-Central Europe. Yet it claims that the disintegrating impulses prevail over the integrating impulses. EastCentral Europe remains diversified and it has not developed a single platform of the sub-regional dialogue. The common experience of the communist period gives way to the growing difference of the sub-regional interests and the ability of the East-Central European members to coordinate their positions in the European Union is limited. The Visegrad Group is no exception in this regard despite its rich agenda of social and cultural contacts. The Russian-Ukrainian conflict confirms a deep divergence of interests among the Visegrad states that seems more important for the future of the Visegrad cooperation than the recent attempts to mark the Visegrad unity in the European refugee crisis. Finally, the Ukrainian crisis and the strengthening of the NATO’s “Eastern flank” may contribute to some new ideas of the sub-regional cooperation in East-Central Europe, to include the Polish-Baltic rapprochement or the closer dialogue between Poland and Romania. Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v10i1.251  

scholarly journals Trade-offs and inconsistencies of the Russian foreign policy: The case of Eurasia

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-56
Author(s):  
Irina Busygina ◽  
Mikhail Filippov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
National Sovereignty ◽  
Trade Offs ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
Vladimir Putin ◽  
Former Soviet Republics ◽  
Post Soviet Space

In this article, we explore the inherent trade-offs and inconsistencies of Russia’s policies toward the post-Soviet space. We argue that attempts to rebuild an image of Russia as a “great power” have actually led to a reduction of Russian influence in the post-Soviet region. The more Russia acted as a “Great Power,” the less credible was its promise to respect the national sovereignty of the former Soviet republics. In 2011, Vladimir Putin declared that during his next term as president, his goal would be to establish a powerful supra-national Eurasian Union capable of becoming one of the poles in a multipolar world. However, Russia’s attempt to force Ukraine to join the Eurasian Union provoked the 2014 crisis. The Ukrainian crisis has de-facto completed the separation of Ukraine and Russia and made successful post-Soviet re-integration around Russia improbable.

The Evolution of Britain's Approach to Crisis in Ukraine and UK–Russia Relations

2015 ◽  
pp. 35-45
Author(s):  
T. Andreeva
Keyword(s):  
Political Crisis ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Special Relations ◽  
Strategic Role ◽  
The Crimea ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The U.S

The article covers the role the Great Britain has played as a fourth independent political actor of international relations, along with the U.S., EU and NATO, in the political crisis in Ukraine from its very beginning (2014), and in finding quick and effective ways of solving it. The article also explores the worsening of the bilateral relationship between UK and Russia under the influence of the 2014–2015 Ukrainian crisis, in a wide context of antagonism between the U.S. and Russia. There are several factors introduced in the article which hampered the crisis from the start and which still can be used to improve the bilateral relations in the nearest future. The author scrutinizes the evolution of the Britain's stance on the Ukrainian upheaval at the beginning of 2014, the Crimea annexation/joining perceived as a violation of the international law, Russia's interference in the conflict in the Eastern territories of Ukraine, and the imposing of sever EU and U.S. sanctions against Russia. The article highlights the influence of the Ukrainian crisis on the strengthening of Anglo-American “special relations” and on the revival of the NATO strategic role as a tool to confront Russia not only in this conflict, but also on the world stage. The author tries to assess the scope of damage for the UK–Russia relationship made by the Ukrainian crisis and answer the questions: where has British participation in this crisis boosted the Great Britain's world standing, when can the UK–Russia relations become better again, and what can help improve the relationship between two countries?

The Perception of Russia in Europe in Context of Ukrainian Crisis

2015 ◽  
pp. 24-34
Author(s):  
N. Lapina
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Fruitful Cooperation ◽  
European Business ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Impact

This article deals with the impact of various factors on the perception of Russia in different European countries. The focus is on the role of mass media, expert and political elites in forming of Russia's image, especially in the context of Ukrainian crisis. In this article, the reaction of different European counties to events in Ukraine, the polarization of European space is analyzed: some countries prefer to put a pressure on the Russian Federation, other – to find a way out of the critical situation and reach a compromise. Some political establishment representatives in France, Germany, Czech Republic support Russia and the reunification with Crimea, dispute sanctions against Russia. For such politicians, this support results from anti-American views and independent foreign policy aspirations. Other representatives of the European elite demand tougher approach and more pressure on Russia by any means whatsoever (including military ones). European business-communities reveal great interest in solving issues related to sanctions. Many entrepreneurs in Europe (in particular major corporations in France, UK, Germany, Italy), who profit from long and fruitful cooperation with Russia, are against anti-Russian sanctions. In view of the Ukrainian crisis, Russia has to face and solve various important issues. How can Russia implement a modernization project after burning all traditional bridges to the West and western friends and partners? What is the right way for Russian foreign policy to support and defend Russian-speaking people all over the world? Which European political forces can provide support to Russia? How can civil society affect and influence cooperation between Russia and Europe?

The Ukrainian crisis, economic sanctions, oil shock and commodity currency: Analysis based on EMD approach

2019 ◽  
Vol 48 ◽  
pp. 156-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Korotin ◽  
Maxim Dolgonosov ◽  
Victor Popov ◽  
Olesya Korotina ◽  
Inna Korolkova
Keyword(s):  
Economic Sanctions ◽  
Oil Shock ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis
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