Partnerships, Power, and Scale in Rural Governance

10.1068/c12m ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bill Edwards ◽  
Mark Goodwin ◽  
Simon Pemberton ◽  
Michael Woods

Partnerships have become established as a significant vehicle for the implementation of rural development policy in Britain. In promoting new working relationships between different state agencies and between the public, private, and voluntary sectors, partnerships have arguably contributed to a reconfiguration of the scalar hierarchy of the state. In this paper we draw on recent debates about the ‘politics of scale’ and on empirical examples from Mid Wales and Shropshire to explore the scalar implications of partnerships. We investigate how discursive constructs of partnership are translated into practice, how official discourses are mediated by local actors, the relationship between partnerships and existing scales of governance, and the particular ‘geometry of power’ being constructed through partnerships. We argue that the existing scalar hierarchy of the state has been influential in structuring the scales and territories of partnerships, and that, despite an apparent devolution of the public face of governance, the state remains crucial in governing the process of governance through partnerships.

2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-340
Author(s):  
Ridwan Al-Sayyid

This paper tackles the relationship between Islam and the state in light of the ongoing revolutions. It focuses on two perspectives: the Islamists' claim that the Shari'a and not the umma (community) are the source of legitimacy in the evolving regimes; and that it is the duty of the state to protect religion and apply the Shari'a. The main disadvantage of these propositions is that they preclude the Umma both from political power and Shari'a, thus pitting it against these two assets which become manipulated to its disadvantage by those holding power. On the other hand, an open-minded and reformist Islamic perspective believes in people regaining the prerogative to rule themselves, guided by their intellect and the public good. The main call for the Arab uprisings is to quit political Islam, which seems to be the major threat to religion, and dangerously divisive for societies.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-37
Author(s):  
MANISHA SETHI

Abstract A bitter debate broke out in the Digambar Jain community in the middle of the twentieth century following the passage of the Bombay Harijan Temple Entry Act in 1947, which continued until well after the promulgation of the Untouchability (Offences) Act 1955. These laws included Jains in the definition of ‘Hindu’, and thus threw open the doors of Jain temples to formerly Untouchable castes. In the eyes of its Jain opponents, this was a frontal and terrible assault on the integrity and sanctity of the Jain dharma. Those who called themselves reformists, on the other hand, insisted on the closeness between Jainism and Hinduism. Temple entry laws and the public debates over caste became occasions for the Jains not only to examine their distance—or closeness—to Hinduism, but also the relationship between their community and the state, which came to be imagined as predominantly Hindu. This article, by focusing on the Jains and this forgotten episode, hopes to illuminate the civilizational categories underlying state practices and the fraught relationship between nationalism and minorities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 39-46
Author(s):  
Syahrir Rahman ◽  
Nomahaza Mahadi

Respect has a crucial role in a dyadic relationship, especially between leader and subordinate, because of the reciprocal costs in the relationship when respect is gained or earned. Leaders can be respected because of their position or fair treatment given to their subordinates. Respect has been featured in the leadership literature; however, few touches on the perspective of mutuality in respect, especially in a dyadic leader-subordinate relationship. The impact of the leader-subordinate relationship is significant in the Malaysian public services, as the scheme of grades determines the employees’ hierarchy. The Malaysian public services organizations' issues often arise from employees’ behavior and working relationships that affect their delivery. A high exchange of the dyadic leader and subordinate relationship correlated with desirable outcomes such as positive performance and attitudinal outcomes. One of the significant elements of the subordinates’ response is the attitude of respect towards the leader. Hence, this paper aimed to investigate the influence of mutual respect on the leader-subordinate working relationship in the public services that has implications for performance and service delivery.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Chapter 15 summarizes the chapters which addressed the third sphere, the relationship of labor to the political community. It reiterates that since Israel was established, the labor market’s borders have become ever more porous, while the borders of the national (Jewish) political community have remained firm: the Jewish nationalism which guides government policy is as strong as ever. NGOs, drawing on a discourse of human rights, are able to assist some non-citizens but this discourse also resonates with the idea of individual responsibility: the State is no longer willing to support “non-productive” populations, who are now being shoehorned into a labor market which offers few opportunities for meaningful employment, and is saturated by cheaper labor intentionally imported by the State in response to powerful employer lobbies. These trends suggest a partial reorientation of organized labor’s “battlefront”, from a face-off with capital to an appeal to the public and state.


Author(s):  
Daniel J. Hemel

This chapter suggests a human rights–based justification for national basic income schemes, contrasting it with justifications based on welfarist principles or notions of entitlement to a share of the global commons. Starting from the premise that a state is a collective enterprise that generates a surplus, it contends that any human being who is an “obedient” member of that state has a right to some share of the surplus. That right—which arises from the relationship between the individual and the state, and is independent of need—could justify the entitlement to a basic income. Such income should be provided in cash, not in kind, because the latter risks depriving the individual of the enjoyment of his share of the surplus—in effect, forcing him to forfeit or transfer it to others if he does not use the public goods or services provided by the state.


Author(s):  
Robert J. Antony

Contrary to conventional wisdom, which informs us that the reach of the state stopped at the county yamen, in chapter 4 the author argues that state agencies, particularly subcounty officials, yamen staff, and military personnel, actually penetrated deep into local society and played an indispensable role in law enforcement efforts at the grassroots level. Although there were tensions in the relationship, nonetheless it was to their mutual advantage that state agents and community leaders cooperate to rid the countryside of social disorders caused by bandits. Major conduits for this cooperation were the mutual surveillance (baojia) and local constable (dibao) systems, both of which operated in the nebulous space between state and local society. All of these efforts, I argue, had mixed results for local crime prevention.


2009 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tracey L. Adams

There is a growing body of literature exploring the relationship between regulated professions and the state. Research has shown that the state is the key source of power for professions, and it has suggested that professions may support and assist state agencies and actors in many ways. Although studies have documented changing state-profession relations across region and era and recent research points to significant change in the regulation of some professions in the past decade or two, there remains much that we do not know about the changing nature of professional regulation over time. In this article I examine professional regulation in four Canadian provinces between 1867 and 1961. The findings reveal distinct eras of professional regulation and definite differences in who is regulated and how over time. There are many more regulated professions toward the end of the period, they are more closely regulated by the state, and their relationships to each other are more closely delineated. The implications for our understanding of state-profession relations over time are discussed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 65 (No. 1) ◽  
pp. 43-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mercedes Rodriguez ◽  
Luis Miguel Sanchez ◽  
Eugenio Cejudo ◽  
Jose Antonio Camacho

For the period 2007–2013 LEADER became the fourth axis of rural development policy. One of the main characteristics of LEADER is that it adopts a bottom-up approach. Local Action Groups (LAGs) have to define and implement area-based local development strategies (LDSs). In this paper, we examine the relationship between variety in the LDSs implemented by LAGs and employment safeguarding over the programming period 2007–2013 in Andalusia, the most populated region of Spain. Firstly, we construct several indicators to capture differences in the number of projects carried out, the grants awarded, the investments made and the safeguarded employment. Secondly, we carry out an exploratory factor analysis. We use cluster analysis to classify LAGs applying similar LDSs. The results obtained show that there is no ideal strategy for employment safeguarding and that spending high amounts of money in a few numbers of projects does not guarantee success. Thus, most LAGs do not show any clear specialisation pattern but obtain moderate results in terms of employment safeguarding. This supports the idea that LAGs need to have sufficient flexibility to find a balance among the different objectives of the rural development policy and to translate this balance into the funding of projects.


2002 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie Hearn

AbstractThis article argues that the beginning of the new millennium marks not the end of the missionary era but its high point. Critical changes have taken place in international development policy, resulting in a smaller role for the state and a greater role for non-state agencies, including NGOs. In Kenya, American evangelical missions constitute one of the most important of these groups, but their significance is overlooked, hence they are described as 'invisible'. The article examines the role of missions as implementers of the New Policy Agenda in Kenya, focusing on five organisations and their involvement in such matters as health care, AIDS, family planning and food security. It enriches our understanding of the contemporary role of mission-related Christianity in Africa, and explores the relationship between American evangelical missions and the international aid regime.


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