Concluding Remarks to Part 3

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger
Keyword(s):  
Government Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Individual Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Third ◽  
Third Sphere ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Chapter 15 summarizes the chapters which addressed the third sphere, the relationship of labor to the political community. It reiterates that since Israel was established, the labor market’s borders have become ever more porous, while the borders of the national (Jewish) political community have remained firm: the Jewish nationalism which guides government policy is as strong as ever. NGOs, drawing on a discourse of human rights, are able to assist some non-citizens but this discourse also resonates with the idea of individual responsibility: the State is no longer willing to support “non-productive” populations, who are now being shoehorned into a labor market which offers few opportunities for meaningful employment, and is saturated by cheaper labor intentionally imported by the State in response to powerful employer lobbies. These trends suggest a partial reorientation of organized labor’s “battlefront”, from a face-off with capital to an appeal to the public and state.

Reading Hobbes’s Sovereign into a Burmese Narrative of Police Torture

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-211
Author(s):  
Nick Cheesman
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Order ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Throughout February 2012, a court sitting at Myanmar’s central prison recorded a defendant’s narrative of torture by policemen to have him confess to a bombing two years prior. How was this record made possible? What does the narrative reveal about the relationship of police torturers to the political community giving them authority to act? Working from Agamben’s intuition that in the moment of violence the policeman occupies an area symmetrical to the sovereign, inasmuch as his use of violence is justified in the name of public order, I suggest the account of police torture in this case can be explained in terms of Hobbes’s theory of attributed action. Like Hobbes’s sovereign, the Burmese policemen had the prerogative to decide when and how to use violence against the detained subject on behalf of the state. That the defendant could later recount to a judge the torture done to him was only because he lacked standing to lay claims against sovereign police, who he himself, as a member of the political community, had authorised. Ironically, the record of his narrative was possible precisely because his claims were without efficacy.

War without Citizens

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-38
Author(s):  
Stephen J. Rosow
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Consumer Culture ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Advanced Technologies

Contestation over war memorialization can help democratic theory respond to the current attenuation of citizenship in war in liberal democratic states, especially the United States. As war involves more advanced technologies and fewer soldiers, the relation of citizenship to war changes. In this context war memorialization plays a particular role in refiguring the relation. Current practices of remembering and memorializing war in contemporary neoliberal states respond to a dilemma: the state needs to justify and garner support for continual wars while distancing citizenship from participation. The result is a consumer culture of memorialization that seeks to effect a unity of the political community while it fights wars with few citizens and devalues the public. Neoliberal wars fought with few soldiers and an economic logic reveals the vulnerability to otherness that leads to more active and critical democratic citizenship.

Prologue

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Michael A. Gomez
Keyword(s):  
West Africa ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The State ◽  
The Third ◽  
History Of ◽  
City State ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City

This prologue provides an overview of the history of early and medieval West Africa. During this period, the rise of Islam, the relationship of women to political power, the growth and influence of the domestically enslaved, and the invention and evolution of empire were all unfolding. In contrast to notions of an early Africa timeless and unchanging in its social and cultural categories and conventions, here was a western Savannah and Sahel that from the third/ninth through the tenth/sixteenth centuries witnessed political innovation as well as the evolution of such mutually constitutive categories as race, slavery, ethnicity, caste, and gendered notions of power. By the period's end, these categories assume significations not unlike their more contemporary connotations. All of these transformations were engaged with the apparatus of the state and its progression from the city-state to the empire. The transition consistently featured minimalist notions of governance replicated by successive dynasties, providing a continuity of structure as a mechanism of legitimization. Replication had its limits, however, and would ultimately prove inadequate in addressing unforeseen challenges.

Neoliberalism, Neocorporatism, and Worker Representation

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Research Process ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Conceptual Approach ◽  
Theoretical Terms ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Chapter 1 lays out the book’s theoretical framework. Accepting the claim that Israel is a neoliberalizing society, it asserts labor’s agency and its potential to thwart neoliberalism as part of a struggle taking place on the ideological or symbolic level too. It then proposes neocorporatism as a useful conceptual approach, and links this to union revitalization and concepts of power. These theoretical terms and concepts are used to anchor the three “spheres” of union activity which structure the book: union democracy, or workers’ relationship to their representative organization; the balance of power between labor and capital, and the way the potential clash of interests between them is viewed and played out; and the relationship of labor to the political establishment and wider political community. Finally, a short coda explains the research process and approach that led to the book.

Labor Representation outside Union Structures

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Case Law ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Hybrid Identities ◽  
The Third ◽  
Third Sphere ◽  
Elected Representatives

The first of five chapters which address the third sphere, organized labor’s relationship to the wider political community, Chapter 11 explores the development of labor representation outside classic union structures. Following the weakening of organized labor’s links to political parties and the influx of groups of workers who have no historical ties with the political establishment and in some cases are not even citizens, workers are finding new ways of bringing their demands into the political arena. The chapter focuses on the Workers Advice Center which made a partially-successful move from NGO to classic union, and on Kav Laoved, a workers’ rights organization. It suggests that such organizations reflect a change in the nature of labor representation as elected representatives are replaced by “experts in the field” and a focus on advancing case law through targeted legal struggle and lobbying – a transformation that has engendered representative organizations with hybrid identities.

Conservatives and “Renewed Russia,” 1907-1914

Slavic Review ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 762-786 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikhail Loukianov
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Characteristic Feature ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Status ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

The article analyzes the relationship of conservatives to the political order that arose after the 1905 revolution. It suggests that by the start of World War I, a dissatisfaction with the status quo had become a characteristic feature of Russian conservatism. The archaic formula “orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality” was the quintessential conservative discourse, both for nationalist supporters of conservative reforms and for opponents of any innovation such as Dubrovin’s All-Russian Union of the Russian People. But this formula existed in sharp contradiction to the realities of “renewed Russia.” Conservatives continually underscored the lack of correspondence between reality and their conservative dogma. In conservative circles, the growth of social tensions on the eve of the war was also understood as evidence of the inadequacy of the new political order. Because of this, Russian conservatives did not aspire to preserve the Third of June system and did not try to restore it after February 1917.

scholarly journals The Relationship of Leadership Quality to the Political Presence of Civic Associations

2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hahrie Han ◽  
Kenneth T. Andrews ◽  
Marshall Ganz ◽  
Matthew Baggetta ◽  
Chaeyoon Lim
Keyword(s):  
Community Context ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
The Political ◽  
Civic Associations ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Arena ◽  
Leadership Quality ◽  
Explanatory Factors ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Member-based civic associations, or citizen groups, have two crucial roles in American democracy. They advocate for members' interests in the public arena, but also operate as Tocquevillian “schools of democracy” linking citizens to politics and equipping them with the skills of democratic citizenship. Yet scant research has examined the interrelationships of these two roles. Does the work that civic associations do in developing democratic participants enhance the work they do advocating for members' interests in the public arena? We bring together two previously disparate strands of research on civic associations by arguing that a key factor affecting the political presence of civic associations is leadership quality. We focus on the relationship of leadership quality to political presence, using data from a unique 2003 study of 226 local entities of the Sierra Club. We show that organizations with more skilled and committed leaders have higher levels of political presence. This contrasts with previous research that has focused primarily on community context and resources as explanatory factors. This study shows that political presence is related to the extent to which leaders develop their skills and demonstrate commitment to the organization.

scholarly journals A tríade influenciadora dos espaços residuais: duas perspectivas

Revista Prumo ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (8) ◽  
pp. 144-151
Author(s):  
Karina Martins de Souza
Keyword(s):  
Public Authorities ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Third ◽  
Residual Space ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Way

This paper deals with the relationship between urban residual spaces and fragmentation urbanism, through the triad: functionality, visibility and technical density. Given that the functionality and the urban visibility present in the triad are inherent to the concept of residual space, the third item — technical density — can be considered as a booster of these spaces. This study also considers the possibility of functionality, visibility and technical density being applied by the public authorities, as actions that work the residual spaces and the fragmentation urbanism. This paper does not gleam to generate assertive responses to the relationship of the triad as something positive or negative for residual spaces. Instead, it intends to open the way for the discussion about this topic in the academic and professional spheres.

TAXATION, THE STATE, AND THE COMMUNITY

2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-234
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Schoenblum
Keyword(s):  
Public Finance ◽  
Social Welfare ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Tax Revenues ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Do So

The paper is concerned with the relationship of taxation to conceptions of the state and the community. The paper contends that public finance theorists have focused little attention on what, precisely, the state is and the role of subnational and supranational communities, even though understanding the state and these communities is essential for grasping how tax revenues are really distributed. The failure of public finance to do so is explainable by the powerful faith in the expertise of theorists and bureaucrats and abstract models for social welfare, whether or not they work or would be agreed upon and implemented via the political process.

scholarly journals Crítica à interferência entre os poderes à luz da teoria de luhmann e a nova lei de abuso de autoridade

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Abel Dionizio Azeredo ◽  
Carlos Eduardo Soares Vaz
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
The State ◽  
Niklas Luhmann ◽  
The Public ◽  
Systemic Theory ◽  
Law And Politics ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
State Context

<p><strong>Criticism of the interference between powers in the light of luhmann's theory and the new law of abuse of authority</strong></p><p><strong>RESUMO</strong>: O presente artigo busca explicar, à luz da teoria sistêmica de Luhmann, as interações entre Direito e Política, especificamente na relação de poderes no sistema estatal tripartite, culminando na nova lei de abuso de autoridade. Utiliza de metodologia baseada na análise de estudos teóricos, qualitativos e descritivos, através de levantamento de material bibliográfico quanto à teoria sistêmica de Niklas Luhmann aplicada ao contexto estatal brasileiro atual, podendo ser enquadrado no eixo temático Estado, Governo e Sociedade. A pesquisa expõe terminologias dos estudos de Luhmann e seus significados, para compreensão da teoria sistêmica, interligando-se em dois caminhos: a diferenciação entre Direito e Política e seu acoplamento estrutural, apresentando crítica quanto à interferência entre os poderes, especialmente a constituição de um Tribunal Político atuando nas políticas públicas reservadas à Administração Pública do Poder Executivo e, por outro lado, a atuação legiferante dos Poderes Executivo e Legislativo na limitação de atuação do Poder Judiciário, especialmente na recente nova lei de abuso de autoridade.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chaves</strong>: Poderes estatais, direito e política, teoria sistêmica de Niklas Luhmann, tribunal político, lei de abuso de autoridade.</p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> This article seeks to explain, in the view of Luhmann's systemic theory, the interactions between Law and Politics, specifically in the relationship of powers in the state tripartite system, culminating in the new law of abuse of authority. It uses a methodology based on the analysis of theoretical, qualitative and descriptive studies, through the survey of bibliographic material regarding niklas Luhmann's systemic theory applied to the current Brazilian state context, and can be framed in the state, government and society thematic axis. The research exposes terminologies of Luhmann's studies and its meanings, to understand systemic theory, interconnecting in two paths: the differentiation between Law and Politics and its structural coupling, presenting criticism about the interference between the powers, especially the constitution of a Political Court acting in public policies reserved for the Public Administration of the Executive Branch and, on the other hand, the legiferante action of the Executive and Legislative Branches in limiting the judiciary, especially in the recent new law of abuse of authority.</p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>: State powers, law and politics, Niklas Luhmann systemic theory, political court, authority abuse law.</p><p><strong>Data da submissão: 03/11/2020</strong><br /><strong>Data da aceitação: 18/05/2020</strong></p>

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