Civil society and democratic transformation in Mauritania: the paradigm of transition and the antecedents of political change

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 372-391
Author(s):  
Ismail Bouganour

Mauritania is among the poorest of the world’s nations due, in good measure, to its itinerant Bedouin population that has moved gradually towards urbanization in accordance with the new world order. The country has undergone extensive transformation in the face of international pressure and influence that were brought to bear on it, and their effects have affected the process of transformation, especially those pertaining to the acknowledgement of human rights and freedoms of citizens. The democratic transformation of Mauritania has to be understood in the context of factors interplaying between the social and cultural spheres, in particular the tribal nature of Mauritanian society which, in a de facto sense, designs the roadmap for action on the basis of the citizen’s perpetual tribal affiliation and belonging, as well as the interaction between economic and political reform conforming to economic demands. This study clarifies the democratic transformation that has taken place in Mauritania through particular phases. Although the transformation did not necessarily bring about change in the prevailing political modus operandi of the state, it did, nonetheless, change the balance of the ‘powers that be’ in favour of reform. The latter arose through the role played by political parties that enabled the development of civil society and the possibility for political reforms in future. The study analyses the Mauritanian experience with regard to the success of civil society institutions in furthering their goal of complete reciprocity between the people and their members,  and in placing these issues at the heart of the discussion and achieving pioneering successes.

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 165-186
Author(s):  
Victor Roudometof ◽  

The contemporary debate on 21st century populism centres on a term (“populism”) that can be flled with multiple meanings. It provides the social sciences with a “meta-concept” that offers coherence to disciplinary discourses. In the 21st century, globalization and cosmopolitanism are often viewed as an irresistible force by intellectuals, with advocacy of cosmopolitanism becoming commonplace. For the most part, the academic community has only belatedly and reluctantly decided to address the electoral success of political parties that reject the political consensus of the post-1989 “New World Order”. In sharp contrast to the intellectuals’ stance, the empirical evidence suggests that it is localism (and not cosmopolitanism) that has been on the rise in recent decades. Glocalization is connected to the formation of varied collective responses and representations, thereby giving rise to the mutually defined pair of cosmopolitanism and localism. The cosmopolitanism–localism binary relationship is a result (or outcome) of glocalization. However, the majority of social-scientifc perspectives do not give proper consideration to the notion of “local”. The notions of localization and de-globalization as part of post-Great Recession trends are discussed. The extent to which these can rectify shortcomings in current theorizing is explored.


2016 ◽  
Vol 85 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn Rose Sawyer

The Church of Ireland in the later seventeenth century faced many challenges. After two decades of war and effective suppression, the church in 1660 had to reestablish itself as the national church of the kingdom of Ireland in the face of opposition from both Catholics and Dissenters, who together made up nearly ninety percent of the island's population. While recent scholarship has illuminated Irish protestantism as a social group during this period, the theology of the established church remains unexamined in its historical context. This article considers the theological arguments used by members of the church hierarchy in sermons and tracts written between 1660 and 1689 as they argued that the Church of Ireland was both a true apostolic church and best suited for the security and salvation of the people of Ireland. Attention to these concerns shows that the social and political realities of being a minority church compelled Irish churchmen to focus on basic arguments for an episcopal national establishment. It suggests that this focus on first principles allowed the church a certain amount of ecclesiological flexibility that helped it survive later turbulence such as the non-jurors controversy of 1689–1690 fairly intact.


Author(s):  
Yuriy Kyrychenko ◽  
Hanna Davlyetova

The article examines the role of political parties in modern state-building processes in Ukraine. The place of political parties in the political and legal system of society is determined. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered. It is noted that political parties play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, act as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities, influence the formation of public opinion and the position of citizens directly involved in elections to public authorities and local governments. It is determined that in a modern democratic society, political parties carry out their activities in the following areas: the work of representatives of political parties in public authorities and local governments; participation in elections of state authorities and local self-government bodies; promoting the formation and expression of political will of citizens, which involves promoting the formation and development of their political legal consciousness. These areas of political parties determine their role and importance in a modern democratic society, which determines the practical need to improve their activities and improve the national legislation of Ukraine in the field of political parties. Political parties are one of the basic institutions of modern society, they actively influence the ac-tivities of public authorities, economic and social processes taking place in the state and so on. It is through political parties that the people participate in the management of public affairs. Expressing the interest of different social communities, they become a link between the state and civil society. The people have the opportunity to delegate their powers to political parties, which achieves the ability of the people to control political power in several ways, which at the same time through competition of state political institutions and political parties contributes to increasing their responsibility to the people. It is noted that the political science literature has more than 200 definitions of political parties. And approaches to the definition of this term significantly depend on the general context in which this issue was studied by the researcher. It was emphasized that today in Ukraine there are important issues related to the activities of political parties. First of all, it is a significant number of registered political parties that are incapable, ie their political activity is conducted formally or not at all. According to official data from the Department of State Registration and Notary of the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine, 352 political parties are registered, of which 48 political parties do not actually function. The reason for the liquidation of such parties is not to nominate their candidates for the election of the President of Ukraine and People's Deputies of Ukraine for 10 years. According to this indicator, Ukraine ranks first among other European countries. Thus, 73 political parties are officially registered in Latvia, 38 in Lithuania, 45 in Moldova, 124 in Romania, and 56 in Slovakia. However, despite the large number of officially registered political parties in Ukraine, public confidence in their activities is low. It is concluded that political parties occupy a special place in the political and legal system of society and play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, as well as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered, namely: introduction of effective and impartial control over activity of political parties; creating conditions for reducing the number of political parties, encouraging their unification; establishment of effective and efficient sanctions for violation of the requirements of the current legislation of Ukraine by political parties.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-109
Author(s):  
Piotr Urbanowicz

Summary In this text, I argue that there are numerous affinities between 19th century messianism and testimonies of UFO sightings, both of which I regarded as forms of secular millennialism. The common denominator for the comparison was Max Weber’s concept of “disenchantment of the world” in the wake of the Industrial Revolution which initiated the era of the dominance of rational thinking and technological progress. However, the period’s counterfactual narratives of enchantment did not repudiate technology as the source of all social and political evil—on the contrary, they variously redefined its function, imagining a possibility of a new world order. In this context, I analysed the social projects put forward by Polish Romantics in the first half of the 19th century, with emphasis on the role of technology as an agent of social change. Similarly, the imaginary technology described by UFO contactees often has a redemptive function and is supposed to bring solution to humanity’s most dangerous problems.


Author(s):  
Alessandra Camargo Godoi ◽  
Sandra Zita Silva Tiné

Financial education has gradually been extending its reach, upported through the efforts of the Brazilian government and organized civil society, in the face of the social and economic challenges besetting the world. Like any educational process, financial education requires planning, engagement and mobilization, even considering that the results do not necessarily have a short- or medium-term effect. Considering the trajectory of financial education in Brazil, this text aims to discuss it within an educational context and describe its trajectory up to incorporation into the National Common Curricular Base (BNCC), highlighting its recognition in this important and most current curricular document in Brazilian education.


2011 ◽  
Vol 162 (4) ◽  
pp. 180-199
Author(s):  
Zbigniew SIEMAK

Political Police in the Second Polish Republic was a secret, specialised service assigned mainly to surveying the whole of political and social life in the country and to chasing perpetrators of anti-state crimes, especially the people suspected of revolutionary activity. In the period discussed, it was completely reorganised four times and it appeared under different names: Political Defence, Information Service, Political Police and Investigation Service with specialised departments to fight against political crimes. In practice, Political Police used methods defined as investigational, e.g. arrests, temporary custody, search of people and property, questioning, chases; and operational ones, e.g. observation, surveillance, tapping or confidential enquiry.Till 1926 political services in Lublin Voivodeship were particularly interested in social and political organisations, the activity of which posed a threat to the legal order and the social arrangement of the state at that time. Full operational surveillance was carried out with respect to parties and political movements of communist nature, national minorities and radical peasant activists, whereas the parties that wanted to keep the bourgeois order were not of particular interest to political counterintelligence, but they were only under discrete operational surveillance.After the May Coup, the range of interests of information services in the fourth district changed substantially. In addition to the activity of communists and national minorities representatives, it encompassed the whole legal Pilsudski opposition.Political Police in Lublin Voivodeship had a very important role in internal politics. It worked among other things on:• exposing social tensions, anti-government atmosphere, revolutionary and anti-state actions (mainly communists and nationalists of national minorities);•observing legal groups and political parties as well as trade unions and parliament representatives.Escalation of political crimes in Lublin district was the largest in those regions where illegal communist organisations, Ukrainian national minorities (poviats: Hrubieszowski, Tomaszowski Chelmski and Wlodawski) and Jewish national minorities (poviats: Chelmski, Siedlecki, Wlodawski, and Grodzki Lubelski) were active.Accusations of communist activity were mainly made against people of Jewish nationality and somewhat less frequently against those of Ukrainian, Belarusian or Polish nationalities.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (8) ◽  
pp. 2361
Author(s):  
Saule Kozykeyevna BISHIMBAYEVA ◽  
Kulyanda Kulbosynovna NURASHEVA ◽  
Aigul Adilzhanovna NURMUKHANBETOVA

The goal of the study is to demonstrate that the Triple Helix model neither sufficiently reflects the process of innovation development nor justifies the fourth helix, the indicators of which describe the real situation in the social and economic area of the country and are an important element of the innovation ecosystem. The study uses empirical methods: observation, measurement, description of facts; logical inferences; sampling of the required information, its grouping; system and statistical analysis; and comparison of the indicators under study. The analysis of the existing models of innovation development and their applicability in Kazakhstan practice has been carried out. Considering the Triple Helix concept of innovation development, a proposal is made to introduce a fourth player – the civil society, which ensures the influence and voice of the people and serves as a channel of communication with the authorities. The solution of the innovation problem presented in the article is of interest to the post-Soviet countries and emerging economies, where social issues and the welfare of citizens have not received sufficient attention, but the components of the Triple Helix (government, universities and business) do not work without their solution. The distinction of the study lies in the development of a model of the fourth helix of innovation development, which reflects the state of the civil society and socioeconomic processes in the country.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-50
Author(s):  
Shahid Nawaz ◽  
Jiang Yun ◽  
Muhammad Zahid Nawaz ◽  
Faizan Aalam

COVID-19 is a massive geopolitical disturbance that will reset the international system once the fuzz is lifted, accelerate de-globalization as well as de-regionalization and establish new political and trade alignments, and probably a new world order. This virus divided the world into three narratives, foremost is in favor of the US and against China, and second is in favor of China and against the US, and the third represents the neutral people who believe it is a natural virus. Multiple conspiracy theories have emerged about the origin and spread of the virus. Hence, it has generated pandemic animosity among the people of different nations. China and the US need to be more transparent on the origin and spread of the pandemic and step back from confrontation. This is a time to be united to fight with the virus. COVID-19 has also opened the gateway avenue for future researchers in multiple disciplines of academia.


Author(s):  
Okoko Sinizibe ◽  
Frank Ogbomah ◽  
Kakatei Juanita

The administration of any democratic state revolves around the three constitutionally recognized arms of government; the legislature, executive and the judiciary. Their relationship is very important for the actualization of the goals of the state. However, this relationship is more pronounced between the executive and the legislature as both appear to belong to political parties and are elected by the electorates. Executive/legislative relationship most times appears conflictual and in some cases cooperative. The study examines the executive/legislative relationship in Bayelsa State to determine the nature and the issues and challenges in their relationship during Henry Seriake Dickson administration. To achieve the objective of the study, two research questions were formulated to guide the study. System theory was used as framework for analysis. The study draws its arguments basically from secondary source hence content analysis research design was used to analyze the secondary data. The findings revealed that the executive dominated the legislature in their relationship under Henry Seriake Dickson’s administration which weakened the ability of the legislators to effectively perform their duties as the representatives of the people. It was also revealed that the unprofessional and inexperience of the legislators also affected their ability to effectively perform their duties which affected the social, economic and political development of the state. In the light of the above, the study recommends amongst others that the legislature should wake up to their responsibility as the watchdog of the executive and effectively monitor the activities of the executive in order to ensure good governance in Bayelsa State. More experienced people should be elected to the legislature to curtail the excesses and the continued dominance of the executive on the legislature and other institutions of government.


Author(s):  
Tia Subekti ◽  
Irza Khurun'in

his paper aims to see the formation of social movements in Malang addressing social issues in Malang. Some of the movements that become the focus of this paper are the Malang Care Community or ASLI Malang and Social and Humanist Society in Malang. Interestingly, the communities are doing their activities online and using social media as the main instrument of movement. If in general online media based-communities are only informative, it is different with Malang. Here the communities perform real actions such as social activities. For examples: social aids for victims of natural disasters, street children, poor people who need help, and other problems. Last but not least is the emergence of free motorcycle-taxi riders that arose due to the protest of angkot (city transport) drivers toward online motorcycle taxi resulting in an angkot drivers’ strike. The movement was able to collect motorcycle-rider volunteers up to 700 motorcycles and 80 cars. The 4 days activity was the culmination of the social community awakening which arises in response to socio-dynamic in society The emergence of various social communities is the marker of the rise of civilian powers and the strengthening of non-state actors. The social community as a form of movement becomes an alternative for civil society to engage in social issues, rather than to join political organizations such as political parties or interest groups whose main interests are political interests. Charles Tilly (2004) defines social movements as an organized public collective effort to make certain claims to the intended authorities. Sidney Tarrow (2004) explains that social movements are generally born from social problems that lead to contentious. The orientation of social movements is to create a world order of social justice. Furthermore, in data collection, the authors conducted in-depth interviews, observations, and documentation. By using social movement perspective, the main argument in this paper is, first, social media is the social community's main strategy for activism. Second, the pattern of social movements that arise is departing from social concerns of civil society in the city of Malang in view of social issues. Third, the formation of activism conducted by the social community in the City of Malang City aims to respond to social problem


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