Globalization, Cosmopolitanism and 21st Century Populism

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 165-186
Author(s):  
Victor Roudometof ◽  

The contemporary debate on 21st century populism centres on a term (“populism”) that can be flled with multiple meanings. It provides the social sciences with a “meta-concept” that offers coherence to disciplinary discourses. In the 21st century, globalization and cosmopolitanism are often viewed as an irresistible force by intellectuals, with advocacy of cosmopolitanism becoming commonplace. For the most part, the academic community has only belatedly and reluctantly decided to address the electoral success of political parties that reject the political consensus of the post-1989 “New World Order”. In sharp contrast to the intellectuals’ stance, the empirical evidence suggests that it is localism (and not cosmopolitanism) that has been on the rise in recent decades. Glocalization is connected to the formation of varied collective responses and representations, thereby giving rise to the mutually defined pair of cosmopolitanism and localism. The cosmopolitanism–localism binary relationship is a result (or outcome) of glocalization. However, the majority of social-scientifc perspectives do not give proper consideration to the notion of “local”. The notions of localization and de-globalization as part of post-Great Recession trends are discussed. The extent to which these can rectify shortcomings in current theorizing is explored.

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 372-391
Author(s):  
Ismail Bouganour

Mauritania is among the poorest of the world’s nations due, in good measure, to its itinerant Bedouin population that has moved gradually towards urbanization in accordance with the new world order. The country has undergone extensive transformation in the face of international pressure and influence that were brought to bear on it, and their effects have affected the process of transformation, especially those pertaining to the acknowledgement of human rights and freedoms of citizens. The democratic transformation of Mauritania has to be understood in the context of factors interplaying between the social and cultural spheres, in particular the tribal nature of Mauritanian society which, in a de facto sense, designs the roadmap for action on the basis of the citizen’s perpetual tribal affiliation and belonging, as well as the interaction between economic and political reform conforming to economic demands. This study clarifies the democratic transformation that has taken place in Mauritania through particular phases. Although the transformation did not necessarily bring about change in the prevailing political modus operandi of the state, it did, nonetheless, change the balance of the ‘powers that be’ in favour of reform. The latter arose through the role played by political parties that enabled the development of civil society and the possibility for political reforms in future. The study analyses the Mauritanian experience with regard to the success of civil society institutions in furthering their goal of complete reciprocity between the people and their members,  and in placing these issues at the heart of the discussion and achieving pioneering successes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-109
Author(s):  
Piotr Urbanowicz

Summary In this text, I argue that there are numerous affinities between 19th century messianism and testimonies of UFO sightings, both of which I regarded as forms of secular millennialism. The common denominator for the comparison was Max Weber’s concept of “disenchantment of the world” in the wake of the Industrial Revolution which initiated the era of the dominance of rational thinking and technological progress. However, the period’s counterfactual narratives of enchantment did not repudiate technology as the source of all social and political evil—on the contrary, they variously redefined its function, imagining a possibility of a new world order. In this context, I analysed the social projects put forward by Polish Romantics in the first half of the 19th century, with emphasis on the role of technology as an agent of social change. Similarly, the imaginary technology described by UFO contactees often has a redemptive function and is supposed to bring solution to humanity’s most dangerous problems.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-36
Author(s):  
Anand Aditya

Against the background of an emerging new world order in the 21st century, this paper offers a conceptual frame on the critical role that regime capability can play in modulating the relational stakes of a country. The text in that context offers the case of Nepal as also a few other countries to assess and explain the role and impact of political stability in enhancing relational dividend as well as the pace of democratisation and development. A three-fold typology of governance regimes-survival, subsistential and self-sustaining-is also presented to validate the arguments. The methodology used here is broadly comparative and empirical using ideas conceptualised to facilitate comparison, explanation and elaboration of the arguments forwarded in the course of discussion.


2022 ◽  
pp. 28-48
Author(s):  
Maxwell Pearson

The rising tide of populism in the 21st century brings about new challenges to an age-old problem in politics. Among them is to identify and understand the symptoms and causes of populism in the modern era. As a political approach which holds”the forgotten man and women” as a morally good force against the perceived corrupt and self-serving “establishment,” this chapter analyzes the populist phenomenon and how it can bring about dividends, not just constraints. This chapter ends by recommending policy-makers to re-think and re-adjust global institutions to be more inclusive, to enhance their nations' cybersecurity measures, and to promote free speech. Overall, populism is a signal that something is inherently wrong in today's global society. Rather than turning a blind eye to the issue, leaders should take a hard look at the facts and understand that there are genuine grievances that have to be identified and solved in building a just and equitable new world order. We can only ignore populism at our peril.


Author(s):  
Attila Ágh

[full article and abstract in English] We live in a “post-neoliberal world”, as it has been discussed in the mainstream literature, but the vital link between neoliberalism and neopopulism has been rarely discussed. Nowadays in international political science it is very fashionable to criticise the long neoliberal period of the last decades, still its effect on the rise of neopopulism has not yet been properly elaborated. To dig deeper into social background of neopopulism, this paper describes the system of neoliberalism in its three major social subsystems, in the socio-economic, legal-political and cultural-civilizational fields. The historical context situates the dominant period of neoliberalism between the 1970s in the Old World Order (OWO) and in the 2010s in the New World Order (NWO). In general, neoliberalism’s cumulative effects of increasing inequality has produced the current global wave of neopopulism that will be analysed in this paper in its ECE regional version. The neopopulist social paradox is that not only the privileged strata, but also the poorest part of ECE’s societies supports the hard populist elites. Due to the general desecuritization in ECE, the poor have become state dependent for social security, yet paradoxically they vote for their oppressors, widening the social base of this competitive authoritarianism. Thus, the twins of neoliberalism and neopopulism, in their close connections—the main topic of this paper—have produced a “cultural backlash” in ECE along with identity politics, which is high on the political agenda.


1997 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-124
Author(s):  
Ibrahim M. Abu-Rabi'

It is a simple truism to state that any scholar who treats such a vast topicas "Islam and the Western Philosophy of Knowledge" must be familiar withthe different domains of intellectual and philosophical discourses in bvth theMuslim and the western worlds, their epistemological bases (i.e., foundationalconceputal principles), historical evolution, and cultural expressions. Inaddition, such a scholar cannot do justice to this imponant topic without constructingan appropriate and comprehensive comparative method that mightshed some light on why there have been some important divergences betweenthe Muslim worldview and the western one, especially in the modern period(e.g., the past few centuries). Third, in dealing with the above subject, ascholar must know at least one Islamic language (e.g., Arabic) and oneEuropean language in addition to English (e.g., French or German). Measuredagainst this criteria, the author of this (very) tiny work fails miserably to justifyhis goal(s) for writing this book, to offer a convincing method of comparativeanalysis, and to prove that he possesses the appropiate tools (i.e., sourcesand languages) with which to conduct his research.To begin with, the author states in the Preface that he intends to offer "ahumble contribution to the contemporary debate on the need for a new epistemology.” The nature of the contemporary debate the author refers to is unclear:Is it an Islamic debate? Western or African? Second, what is the nature of thisnew epistemology of which he speaks? His entire discussion throughout thebook does not mention any new epistemology per se, but rather a historicallyold and established one: that of the Qur’an and other revelations. So, is the authoroffering a Qur’anic rationale for and justification of some uiucial philosophicalissues arising in the modem westem world, or is he interested in measuring theimpact of western philosophy on the modem Muslim mind in the context ofcolonialism and the new world order? No such desire is expressed. When theauthor states in his Acknowledgment that “I came to the conclusion that the realmalaise of the Muslim Umma is the intellectual,” he does not tell us why it is soand why it is not economic, political, social, or a combination of the abov ...


2019 ◽  
Vol 82 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-48
Author(s):  
Graziana Corica

The 2019 municipal elections in Florence confirm the electoral success of the Democratic Party and the Mayor, Dario Nardella. The center-right candidate, Ubaldo Bocci, an entrepreneur and member of local catholic associations, collected 25% of the votes. The Five Star Movement, with Roberto De Blasi as mayoral candidate, and the left candidate Antonella Bundu got about 7% of the electoral preferences each.In which areas of the city did the PD win? Is it possible establish a causal relation between voting behaviour, the neighbourhood and sociodemographic variables? To answer these questions, the article examines the electoral results through a geographical approach, based on the 72 «elementary areas» of Florence and other variables provided by ISTAT. This analysis identifies four macro-areas, distinguished for the different combinations of the presence of the political parties. Overall, the preferences collected by the PD, more than 50%, make difficult to found a link between the vote and the social background.In order to understand the electoral success of the PD and of local politicians other factors, like political culture or specific contextual features, have to be taken into consideration. Indeed, from a qualitative perspective, this contribution suggests to consider Florence as a «urban regime», composed by several actors who share interests and visions about the growth of the city.


1996 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 222-223
Author(s):  
Germano Mendes de Paula

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