‘Democracy’ and the Irish People, 1830–48

2013 ◽  
pp. 162-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurent Colantonio
Keyword(s):  
Mass Movements ◽  
British Isles ◽  
European Continent ◽  
Daniel O'connell ◽  
The People ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Irish People

The mass movements led by Daniel O’Connell were perceived as ‘democratic’ not only within the British Isles but also on the European continent. O’Connell presented himself as a democrat – meaning by this that he championed the cause of the people, not that he advocated any particular form of government. In fact the emphasis in the Repeal movement was above all on a rather vaguely conceived national regeneration. O’Connell's control over his followers impressed some observers: it seemed that he had contained democracy's disruptive potential. When his unionist opponents called him a democrat they by contrast invoked the term's negative associations. ‘Young Ireland’ nationalists were initially cool about democracy, but warmed to it, especially from 1848. It is unclear whether the language of ‘democracy’ had currency among O’Connell's followers, though both words and imagery impressed upon them the idea that the movement promoted the cause of the Irish people.

Daniel Florence O’Leary, Soldier, Diplomat, and Historian

1966 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 292-312
Author(s):  
Robert F. McNerney
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
New World ◽  
Napoleonic Wars ◽  
British Isles ◽  
British Government ◽  
Keen Interest ◽  
Successful Career ◽  
Daniel O'connell ◽  
The People

A Young Irishman from Cork was among those who answered a call sent out by Luis López Méndez, Venezuela’s agent in London, for foreign volunteers to join the patriot forces in their efforts to win independence from Spain. Though such enlistments were expressly forbidden by the British government, it would seem that little effort was made to stop them, for we know that several thousand Englishmen and Irishmen volunteered for service over a period of a few years. So it was that on December 3, 1817, Daniel Florence O’Leary left Portsmouth on board the corvette Prince, bound for the New World. What was it that led O’Leary to leave family and home at the rather tender age of seventeen? Was it the desire for adventure and excitement in an unknown land where a war was being waged or was it because the economic crisis in the British Isles after the Napoleonic wars gave an enterprising young man little hope of forging a successful career for himself? It is difficult to assess his motives at that time, but there seems to be no doubt that he felt strongly attracted by this struggle for freedom going on across the seas, all the more so because he came from a land where the Act of Union decreed by the British government in 1800 had ended the limited autonomy granted the people two decades earlier and had re-established many of the intolerable restrictions previously in force. It seems very likely, too, that the young adventurer had been influenced in his decision by the great champion of Irish rights, Daniel O'Connell, a family friend, who followed with keen interest the struggle for freedom and became a fervent admirer of Bolivar, even to the point of offering the latter the services of his son.

scholarly journals Riservation Policy: Sources for Achieving the Social Justice in India

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. p424
Author(s):  
Shiw Balak Prasad
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Supreme Court Of India ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Scheduled Castes ◽  
The Third World

In a democratic form of Government all citizens of the country are equal before the law of land. There is no scope of differences in any stage of life between them. Although natural discrimination may be possible, but politically and legally all should be equal. Discrimination on one or more of these factors became normal feathers particular in the third world countries of Africa and Asia. Really this social discrimination reflects in political rights and economic opportunities of the people so that the question of social justice became very important.In India, there has been so many social, economic and educational discrimination among the people from the very beginning. Weaker sections of the people have been deprived their rights. They are living like animal even today. So, Framers of the constitution of India include the provisions of reservation in the constitution of some posts of Government services to Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes for their upliftment. Actually, these reservation policies were implemented for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes only at the time of implementation of the constitution. After very long time, the then prime minister Late V.P. Singh had implemented 27 percent reservation to other backward classes for gaining of Social Justice. But due to conspiracy and the upper castes the conditions of reamy layer were imposed by the supreme court of India. Thus this paper will disclose all secrets in this countex.

scholarly journals ZAKAT SEBAGAI KEBIJAKAN FISKAL PADA MASA KEKHALIFAH UMAR BIN KHATTAB

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-184
Author(s):  
Nurma Sari
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Fiscal Policy ◽  
Government Expenditure ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
State Spending ◽  
Government Transfer ◽  
The People ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Government Transfers

This paper discusses a descriptive charity as fiscal policy during the caliphate of Umar. Zakat has a major position in fiscal policy in the early days of Islam. Besides, as a source of major revenue Islamic state at the time, zakat is also capable of supporting both state spending in the form of government expenditure (expenditure countries) and government transfers (transfer expenses). Zakat is also able to influence the economic policy of the Islamic government to improve the welfare of the people, especially the weak. It was in because zakat is the source of funds that will never dry out.Tulisan ini membahas secara deskriptif zakat sebagai kebijakan fiscal pada masa kekhalifahan umar bin khatab. Zakat mempunyai kedudukan utama dalam kebijakan fiskal pada masa awal islam. Disamping sebagai sumber pendapatan Negara Islam yang utama pada masa itu, zakat juga mampu menunjang pengeluaran Negara baik dalam bentuk government expenditure (pengeluaran belanja negara) maupun government transfer (pengeluaran transfer). Zakat juga mampu mempengaruhi kebijakan ekonomi pemerintah islam untuk meningkatkan kesejahteraan rakyat terutama kaum lemah. Hal itu di karenakan zakat adalah sumber dana yang tidak akan pernah kering dan habis.

Who Wants a United Ireland?

1985 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Harvey Cox
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Great Majority ◽  
Easter Rising ◽  
Course Of Action ◽  
The People ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
Irish People ◽  
Irish Republicanism ◽  
The Right ◽  
Elected Representatives

THE PROVISIONAL IRA'S ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE THE BRITISH Prime Minister and Cabinet at Brighton on 12 October 1984, represents the most dramatic move to date in a reputedly 20-year strategy of inducing the British to withdraw from Northern Ireland and leave Ireland to the Irish. Where nonviolent Irish nationalists have aimed, most notably through the New Ireland Forum Report published in May 1984, to persuade the British that the 1920 constitutional settlement dividing Ireland is inherently unstable and must be dismantled, the Provisional IRA has no faith in this course of action. The British, they calculate, will be persuaded not by the force of argument but by the argument of force. In this they can claim, with some justification, to be the true heirs of the Easter Rising of 1916. At that time the Proclamation of the Irish Republic, which was to become the basic document of Irish republicanism, declared ‘… the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies, to be sovereign and indefeasible’. Since the 1916 Proclamation was ratified by the first subsequent meeting of elected representatives of the Irish people, the first Dáil Eireann, in 1919, representing virtually all but the Ulster unionist minority, and since the right and the aspiration to Irish unity have been reaffirmed by all non-unionist Irish parties ever since, it must be a truth universally acknowledged that the division of Ireland is unjust and undemocratic and that the reunification of the country is the rightful aspiration of the great majority of its people.

scholarly journals Why Earthquakes Threaten Two Major European Cities: Istanbul and Bucharest

2017 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory A. Houseman
Keyword(s):  
Upper Mantle ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Mass Movements ◽  
European Continent ◽  
European Cities ◽  
The North ◽  
Two Cities ◽  
The City ◽  
Large Earthquakes ◽  
Better Than

Istanbul and Bucharest are major European cities that face a continuing threat of large earthquakes. The geological contexts for these two case studies enable us to understand the nature of the threat and to predict more precisely the consequences of future earthquakes, although we remain unable to predict the time of those events with any precision better than multi-decadal. These two cities face contrasting threats: Istanbul is located on a major geological boundary, the North Anatolian Fault, which separates a westward moving Anatolia from the stable European landmass. Bucharest is located within the stable European continent, but large-scale mass movements in the upper mantle beneath the lithosphere cause relatively frequent large earthquakes that represent a serious threat to the city and surrounding regions.

Freedom as Nondomination

2021 ◽  
pp. 100-117
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The People ◽  
Form Of Government

Providing an overview of the modern republican conception of freedom, this interview starts with Philip Pettit’s account of ethical foundations. He argues against a rights-based approach; politics should seek to maximize goods in his view, rights are simply rules for ensuring these goods. The good he has in mind is freedom as nondomination. According to this view freedom is not simply being left alone, it is being in a position where nobody has the power to so constrain your action (even if that power is not being used). The chapter ends by considering the implications of such a view. Most obviously it would require a democratic form of government in which state power is both responsive to the people but also seriously constrained. Further Pettit argues this conception of freedom would require us to constrain the power of huge corporations—these too may be sources of domination.

The Problem of Russian Democracy: Can Russia Rise Again?

2000 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 269-313
Author(s):  
Dmitry Shlapentokh
Keyword(s):  
Thomas Hobbes ◽  
Western Thought ◽  
The People ◽  
Form Of Government

While Western political scientists have a variety of opinions on democracy and how its institutions could be improved, they almost never argue about the validity of democracy as a form of government. Of course, it would be unfair here to ignore the presence of an authoritarian streak in Western thought. Thomas Hobbes comes to mind most immediately. Yet the views of those thinkers with an authoritarian bent have become marginalized in present-day discourse; or, to be more precise, it is assumed that their views on the importance of a strong government are irrelevant to the present. The assumption that a strong regime might be necessary in non-Western societies is thought to be the product of these authoritarian/totalitarian societies' elite classes—that is, a justification for imposing the power of the elite upon the people. Most Western political scientists are convinced that democracy is the best of all possible forms of government.

Nationalism and Democracy in the British Commonwealth: Some General Trends

1953 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 1029-1040
Author(s):  
Alexander Brady
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Order ◽  
British Isles ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
British Commonwealth ◽  
Political Communities

The two dynamic political forces in the British Commonwealth are those of nationalism and democracy, and they are in close alliance. This fact is most evident in the older dominions, which were colonized from the British Isles, or, in the case of Canada and South Africa, partially colonized also from France and Holland. The genesis of their nationality was evident when as colonies they gropingly aspired to become autonomous political communities, standing on their own feet, seeking to shape their own future, not isolated from the metropolitan power, but also not subservient to it. In them the prevailing concept of a nation has been that of a people organized to achieve within the state the ends of popular freedom and political order. Owing to the liberating and levelling ways of the frontier, a new land provided special scope for the ideas and sentiments of democracy and hence the more readily generated among the people a potent sentiment for itself.

The Irish Race Conference, 1922, reconsidered

2001 ◽  
Vol 32 (127) ◽  
pp. 365-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerard Keown
Keyword(s):  
South African ◽  
Family Reunion ◽  
The People ◽  
The World ◽  
Irish People ◽  
Wide Scale ◽  
The Republic ◽  
New Race ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
World Organisation

The Irish Race Conference met in Paris at the end of January 1922 to initiate a new world organisation that would link the people of Ireland with their cousins around the globe. The gathering of delegates attracted comment wherever the Irish had settled, and even the Belfast Telegraph noted its opening ceremonies. The South African Irish newspaper, The Republic, heralded the conference as a ‘family reunion on a world wide scale’, but, like many family gatherings, disagreement was to follow in its wake. The idea of a conference was first mooted in February 1921 by the Irish Republican Association of South Africa (I.R.A.S.A.), to support the efforts then being made to win international recognition for an independent Irish republic. However, the I.R.A.S.A. did not see its work stopping there, envisaging the creation of a worldwide organisation that would link the Irish overseas with their compatriots at home. Over the following months the idea was developed into plans for an Irish International that would pursue a programme of social, cultural and economic objectives in Ireland and abroad. As The Republic explained, It is not the Ireland of four millions that we are thinking of now, nor even merely the potential Ireland of ten or fifteen millions. We are thinking also of the Greater Ireland, the Magna Hibernia across the seas, the millions of Irish people throughout the world. Though these Irish are now citizens of their adopted lands, they must not be, and they are not, wholly lost to Ireland. They also are to share in the great destiny of their motherland.Just how such wide-ranging aims were to be realised would prove a matter of dissent among delegates when they assembled twelve months later in Paris. But in February 1921 the proposal inspired only enthusiasm and hope for the future.The idea of the conference was a product of the belief prevalent at the time that the Irish had ‘yet to give to the world the best which is in them’. The official programme for the new race organisation captured this sentiment, declaring the organisers’ belief that ‘Ireland has much to give to the world’. It was widely expected that this potential would be realised once the Irish were free to govern themselves. It is thus ironic that it was ultimately over the relationship between the new Irish government and the overseas Irish that the conference, and all its worthy ambitions, would founder.

Two Possible Alternatives to Turf War

1996 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 536-546
Author(s):  
Beáta Kovács Nás
Keyword(s):  
Human Dignity ◽  
Current Situation ◽  
Past Experience ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Mass Movements ◽  
Future Prospects ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Current State ◽  
The People ◽  
State Socialist

Mass movements based on reason and morality—the enforcement of freedom, equal human dignity, justice, sovereignty of the people and self-determination—are not mere expressions of pious desire, but are expressions of real, irresistible political necessity that must not be ignored.István BibóThe preceding studies in this volume have provided an overview of the history and current situation of Hungarians living as minorities in Slovakia, Ukraine, Romania, and the regions of the former Yugoslavia. The purpose of this conclusion is not to analyze past experience and current hardships but rather to illuminate the future prospects of Hungarian communities located outside Hungary's current state borders by looking at various autonomy proposals. Since the collapse of state socialist regimes in the late 1980s and early 1990s, persons belonging to Hungarian national communities in the region have expressed a political will to preserve their identity and to determine and govern their own affairs. It is, therefore, instructive to take a closer look at the various proposals for autonomy advocated by the representatives of these Hungarian communities because they offer a peaceful and democratic solution, not only to the current problems of the countries they inhabit, but also to the growing destabilization of the region due to ethnic strife.

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