Conversation Analysis and News Interviews

Author(s):  
Laura Loeb ◽  
Steven E. Clayman

The news interview is a prominent interactional arena for broadcast news production, and its investigation provides a window into journalistic norms, press-state relations, and sociopolitical culture. It is a relatively formal type of interaction, with a restrictive turn-taking system normatively organized around questions and answers exchanged for the benefit of an audience. Questions to politicians are sensitive to the journalistic norms of neutralism and adversarialness. The neutralism norm is relatively robust, implemented by interviewers adhering to the activity of questioning, and avoiding declarative assertions except as prefaces to a question or as attributed to a third party. The adversarialism norm is more contextually variable, implemented through agenda setting, presupposition, and response preference, each of which can be enhanced through question prefaces. Adversarial questioning has increased significantly in the United States over time, and in some other national contexts. Adversarial questioning creates an incentive for resistant responses from politicians, which are managed with overt forms of damage control and covert forms of concealment. News interviews with nonpartisan experts and ordinary people are generally less adversarial and more cooperative. Various hybrid interview genres have emerged in recent years, which incorporate practices from other forms of broadcast talk (e.g., celebrity talk shows, confrontational debates) within a more loosely organized interview framework. These hybrid forms have become increasingly prominent in contemporary political campaigns and current affairs discussions.

Comunicar ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (59) ◽  
pp. 49-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Salvador Gómez-García ◽  
Alicia Gil-Torres ◽  
José-Agustín Carrillo-Vera ◽  
Nuria Navarro-Sierra

This paper explores the creation and content of apps about Donald Trump (n=412) published in Google Play between June 2015 and January 2018. The relevance of the study stems from both its objectives and its methodology. On the one hand, the aim was to characterise the profile, motivations and purposes of the developers of Donald Trump apps; and on the other, to identify the main features of the discourses in the most downloaded apps. The study relied on two resources: a qualitative questionnaire of open questions for developers (n=376), and a quantitative analysis of the content of apps that exceeded 5,000 downloads (n=117). The questionnaire identified the influence of political current affairs in the developers’ ideological and economic motivations, while the content analysis revealed the trends found over time, as well as the themes, discourses and ideological positioning of the most popular apps about Donald Trump. The findings provide an empirical basis for how the content of these apps was articulated with the news; the influence of content that went viral; hegemonic discourses; and the role played by developers of new expressive, commercial, informative and persuasive proposals in the intersection between mobile apps and political campaigns. Esta investigación explora la creación y el mensaje de las apps sobre Donald Trump publicadas en la plataforma Google Play desde junio de 2015 hasta enero de 2018 (n=412). El interés del estudio proviene tanto de sus objetivos como de su metodología. Por un lado, se pretende detectar el perfil, motivaciones y propósitos de los desarrolladores de apps sobre la figura de Donald Trump y, por otro, identificar los principales rasgos de los discursos de las apps más descargadas. La investigación se ha desarrollado en dos frentes: un cuestionario cualitativo de preguntas abiertas a desarrolladores (n=376) y un análisis cuantitativo de contenido del mensaje de las apps que superaron las 5.000 descargas (n=117). El cuestionario ha identificado la influencia de la actualidad política en los desarrolladores y sus motivaciones de corte ideológico y económico mientras que el análisis de contenido ha revelado la tendencia y evolución de los temas, discursos y el posicionamiento ideológico de las apps más populares sobre Donald Trump. Los resultados establecen una base empírica en relación a la articulación del mensaje de las apps con la actualidad informativa, la influencia de los contenidos virales, los discursos hegemónicos y el rol de los desarrolladores de nuevas propuestas expresivas, comerciales, informativas y persuasivas en la conjunción de los ecosistemas de aplicaciones móviles y las campañas políticas.


Author(s):  
Stephanie K. Pell

After the September 11 attacks, law enforcement's mission expanded to include, at times even prioritize, the general “prevention, deterrence and disruption” of terrorist attacks, which presumed a new emphasis upon threat detection and identification by analyzing patterns in larger, less specific bodies of information. Indeed, the unprecedented level of “third-party” possession of information inevitably makes the private sector the most reliable and comprehensive source of information available to law enforcement and intelligence agencies alike. This chapter explores the potential applications of systematic government access to data held by third-party private-sector intermediaries that would not be considered public information sources but, rather, data generated based on the role these intermediaries play in facilitating economic and business transactions (including personal business, such as buying groceries or staying at a hotel on vacation).


Author(s):  
Costas Panagopoulos

Over the past few decades, a fundamental shift in political campaign strategy has been afoot in U.S. elections: Political campaigns have been gradually shifting their attention away from swing voters toward their respective, partisan bases. Independents and weak partisans have been targeted with less frequency, and the emphasis in contemporary elections has been on strong partisans. This book documents this shift—away from persuasion toward base mobilization—in the context of U.S. presidential elections and explains that this phenomenon is likely linked to several developments, including advances in campaign technology and voter-targeting capabilities as well as insights from behavioral social science focusing on voter mobilization. The analyses show the 2000 presidential election represents a watershed cycle that punctuated this shift. The book also explores the implications of the shift toward base mobilization and links these developments to growing turnout rates for strong partisans and attenuating participation among independents or swing voters over time. The book concludes these patterns have contributed to heightened partisan polarization in the United States.


Author(s):  
Michael X. Delli Carpini ◽  
Bruce A. Williams

The media landscape of countries across the globe is changing in profound ways that are of relevance to the study and practice of political campaigns and elections. This chapter uses the concept of media regimes to put these changes in historical context and describe the major drivers that lead to a regime’s formation, institutionalization, and dissolution. It then turns to a more detailed examination of the causes and qualities of what is arguably a new media regime that has formed in the United States; the extent to which this phenomenon has or is occurring (albeit in different ways) elsewhere; and how the conduct of campaigns and elections are changing as a result. The chapter concludes with thoughts on the implications of the changing media landscape for the study and practice of campaigns and elections specifically, and democratic politics more generally.


Public Choice ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vuk Vukovic

AbstractIn 2008, as the financial crisis unfolded in the United States, the banking industry elevated its lobbying and campaign spending activities. By the end of 2008, and during 2009, the biggest political spenders, on average, received the largest bailout packages. Is that relationship causal? In this paper, I examine the effect of political connections on the allocation of funds from the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) to the US financial services industry during the 2008–2009 financial crisis. I find that TARP recipients that lobbied the government, donated to political campaigns, or whose top executives had direct connections to politics received better bailout deals. I estimate regression discontinuity design and instrumental variable models to uncover how election outcomes for politicians in close races affected the distribution of bailout funds for connected firms. The results do not imply that some banks were deliberately favored over others, just that favored banks benefited because of their proximity to the right people in power. If being politically connected matters in general, in times of crisis it matters even more.


2021 ◽  
pp. 106002802110233
Author(s):  
C. Michael White

Objective Assess the current daily interim reference level of lead and the amount contained in current mineral and multivitamin-multimineral (MVM) products. Data Sources PubMed search from 1980 to May 15, 2021, limited to the English language, via the search strategy ((mineral OR multivitamin OR calcium OR iron OR magnesium OR copper OR zinc OR chromium OR selenium) AND (heavy metals OR Pb OR lead)). Study Selection and Data Extraction Narrative review of studies assessing lead content in mineral or MVM products. Data Synthesis Products containing different calcium forms (dolomite, bone meal, natural carbonate) have historically had higher lead levels than others (refined carbonate, lactate, gluconate, acetate, sevelamer), but the gap has closed considerably since the year 2000. Although only limited assessments of magnesium and zinc supplements have been conducted, no alarming average lead amounts were found. MVM products assessed since 2007 had low median or mean lead concentrations. However, large interproduct differences exist, with many products having very little lead and some products having concerning amounts. Relevance to Patient Care and Clinical Practice It is difficult for pharmacists and consumers to know the amount of lead in an actual product unless it is tested in an independent third-party lab. The United States Pharmacopeia and NSF International will provide a seal on the products stating that the products have a low level of lead, but even so, children could receive more lead than the Food and Drug Administration’s Interim Reference Level. Conclusions The threat from lead exposure in mineral and MVM products have diminsihed considerably over time but some products can still have excessive amounts. Without third-party testing, it is difficult for clinicians and consumers to know which outlier products to avoid.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 203-234
Author(s):  
Ana Monteiro ◽  
Daniel Ferreira

The purpose of this article is to assess the risk for preventing the execution of arbitral awards made against Sovereign States due to the State’s immunity shield. Given the importance of an accurate asset pricing in the business of third-party funding (TPF), the topic entails a particular relevance to the current context of globalized litigation in light of its contribution to the promotion of TPF at the international arbitration community. After reviewing the literature on TPF, on the peculiarities of investment and commercial arbitrations against States and on the evolution of State immunity (also in terms of domestic legislation, considering the local laws passed by the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia), the article aims explore how the funder should incorporate into its risk assessment the risk of not executing awards rendered against Sovereign States.


2000 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 28-42
Author(s):  
Manussos Marangudakis ◽  
William Kelly

The relationship between ethnic communities who share a common national space is often affected by factors above civil society, such as inter-state relations, political and economic alliances, and geopolitical interests. The relevance of ethnic minorities’ identity and behaviour to the international political environment becomes clear whenever an ethnic minority occupies territory of geopolitical and/or geo-economic importance to countries with conflicting interests in the area - we will call such a minority, ‘strategic minority’. Using a model of ‘network compatibility’ we could delineate the mechanisms and factors which affect the social outlook of a given minority. To highlight the paramount importance of national and international relations in shaping ethnic minorities’ identity and behaviour the paper examines and compares two strategic minorities situated at the fringes of Europe: The Northern Irish Catholic minority and the Muslim minority in Western Thrace, North Eastern Greece. Using as our analytic tool the theory of ‘networks of social power’ we tentatively conclude that the formation as well as the current identity, status, and behaviour of the two minorities cannot be fully understood unless we examine the role of the two sets of neighboring countries (G. Britain - Ireland, and Greece - Turkey), as well as the two major Western political powers, i.e., the European Union, and the United States, in the two contested regions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (7) ◽  
pp. 1692-1698 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allison J Schepers ◽  
Alexis R Jones ◽  
Brandi N Reeves ◽  
Sascha A Tuchman ◽  
Jill S Bates

Purpose Lenalidomide, bortezomib, and dexamethasone (RVd) has emerged as a preferred induction therapy in multiple myeloma (MM) in the United States. Due to lenalidomide's teratogenic risk, patients and prescribers must comply with a risk evaluation and mitigation strategy (REMS) program. The REMS program limits dispensing to certain third-party specialty pharmacies, whose average prescription fill times are longer than in-house specialty pharmacies. In practice, a delay in procurement of lenalidomide may mean that patients start therapy with only bortezomib and dexamethasone, delaying the start of more effective triplet therapy. The primary objective of this study is to determine if a delay from start of bortezomib and dexamethasone to start of triplet therapy with lenalidomide impacts rate of achievement of very good partial response (VGPR) after four cycles of RVd. Methods This was a single-center retrospective review of adults with newly diagnosed MM who received RVd induction therapy at University of North Carolina Medical Center between April 2014 and June 2017. Patients who started lenalidomide ≥10 days after bortezomib comprised the “Delay” group, while those who started lenalidomide concurrently with bortezomib or within 1–9 days after bortezomib comprised the “No Delay” group. The primary outcome was VGPR or better response rate after four cycles of RVd. Results Thirty-eight patients met inclusion criteria. Nine patients (23.7%) experienced any delay in initiation of lenalidomide, with a mean delay of 7.8 days (range 1–18). Four patients (10.5%) experienced a delay ≥10 days. No patients in the Delay group were of reproductive potential, compared to 8.8% in the No Delay group ( p = 0.54). VGPR or better response rate did not differ between the Delay and No Delay groups (66.7% vs. 58.8%, p = 0.79). The mean number of lenalidomide prescriptions generated per RVd cycle was 1.35 (range 1–5, SD 0.74). Conclusions This study did not demonstrate an effect on clinical response after delays ≥10 days between bortezomib and lenalidomide initiation. No patients in the delay group were females of reproductive potential, which is the primary target for increased safety behind the REMS program.


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