Economic Sanction as Foreign Policy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoshiharu Kobayashi
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Economic Sanctions ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
The Other ◽  
Economic Sanction ◽  
Large N ◽  
Growing Body ◽  
Economic Relationship ◽  
The 1960S

Economic sanctions are an attempt by states to coerce a change in the policy of another state by restricting their economic relationship with the latter. Between, roughly, the 1960s–1980s, the question dominating the study of sanctions was whether they are an effective tool of foreign policy. Since the 1990s, however, with the introduction of large-N datasets, scholars have turned to more systematic examinations of previously little explored questions, such as when and how sanctions work, when and why states employ sanctions, and why some sanctions last longer than others. Two dominant perspectives, one based on strategic logic and the other on domestic politics, have emerged, providing starkly different answers to these questions. A growing body of evidence lends support to both strategic and domestic politics perspectives, but also points to areas in which they fall short. To complement these shortcomings, a new direction for research is to unite these perspectives into a single theoretical framework.

Iran

2019 ◽  
pp. 80-96
Author(s):  
Robert R. Bianchi
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Crisis Management ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Transnational Relations ◽  
Security Forces ◽  
Silver Bullet ◽  
Rule Out

The recent uprisings in Iran provide a poignant example of a common dilemma in authoritarian regimes. The mullahs and security forces can contain the blazes with Chinese-inspired controls over the internet and social media, but they cannot prevent future ignitions or rule out a wider conflagration. On the other hand, reformers have little hope of winning meaningful freedoms or promoting a less adventurous foreign policy. There is no sign of an authoritarian silver bullet to quash unrest or of a revolutionary breakthrough that could propel the country in a new direction. As Beijing expands the New Silk Road, it confronts similar problems in one country after another. Stronger linkages between domestic politics and transnational relations promote ongoing turmoil and crisis management across interdependent regions and cultures. Although this represents an important surge in transcontinental connectivity, it is hardly the kind that Chinese planners anticipated.

No War Pact

2020 ◽  
pp. 99-116
Author(s):  
Pallavi Raghavan
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The Other ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
World Views ◽  
The World ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Jawaharlal Nehru ◽  
The Relationship

The No War Pact correspondence between Jawaharlal Nehru and Liaquat Ali Khan is interesting for several reasons: its timing, the personalities, the possibilities it seemed to offer for the relationship ship, and the glimpses it offered into the world views of India and Pakistan during the 1950s. The Evacuee Property Conferences, as well as the refugee crisis in Bengal formed the immediate context in which Liaquat Ali Khan and Nehru opened negotiations on a possible No War Pact. In many ways, moreover, the correspondence also shows how deeply connected the shaping of foreign policy was with domestic politics—India’s and Pakistan’s international relations were shaped out of the domestic concerns of both nation. One reason that the correspondence was taking place at all was that it could offer the possibility of some movement on the questions of water and evacuee property. The correspondence offered an opportunity for India and Pakistan to clarify their positions internationally as mutually exclusive entities: at the same time, it was also for progress in leading to more accommodative outcomes for talks around the agenda of separation. This chapter shows that the business of going about disentangling oneself from the other did not in fact necessarily mandate international stances that had to be hostile to one another: they could also be built upon an attempt at dialogue.

To condone, condemn, or ‘no comment’? Explaining a patron’s reaction to a client’s unilateral provocations

2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 452-465
Author(s):  
Jeehye Kim ◽  
Jiyoung Ko
Keyword(s):  
North Korea ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
The Other ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Original Dataset ◽  
Large N ◽  
Client Relationships ◽  
Client Relationship ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Sphere Of Influence

What explains a patron’s decision to publicly condone, condemn, or forgo commenting on its client’s unilateral provocations? We present a new theoretical framework that identifies a patron’s two strategic considerations – maximizing its sphere of influence and avoiding entanglement – and factors that affect them. We claim that whenever a patron faces a great power rivalry or a vulnerable client, it is more likely to condone its client’s provocations in order to safeguard its sphere of influence. On the other hand, when the risk of escalation looms large, the patron is more likely to condemn its client’s provocations in order to avoid entanglement. Focusing on the Sino-North Korean patron–client relationship, we test our theory on an original dataset that tracks China’s official reactions to provocations initiated by North Korea. We find that China tends to condone North Korea’s provocations when the USA criticizes them, and refrains from condemning when North Korea is domestically fragile. We also find that China is more likely to condemn its client’s provocations in the period after North Korea became a nuclear state. In addition, we draw on examples from the USA–Pakistan and the USA–Israel patron–client relationships to illustrate our causal logic. This article offers new insights on how a patron manages its client’s unruly behavior, and provides the first large-N evidence on China’s responses to North Korean provocations from 1981 to 2016.

India and Peaceful Change

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manjeet S. Pardesi
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
World Politics ◽  
The Other ◽  
Nuclear Disarmament ◽  
Structural Factors ◽  
Hindu Nationalism ◽  
Peaceful Coexistence ◽  
Indian Experience ◽  
Over Time

In spite of India’s self-conception as a uniquely peaceful state and civilization, it has been involved in a number of wars and militarized crises. Nevertheless, the Indian leadership has genuinely aspired to the pursuit of peaceful change in international politics. This chapter explains why India has pursued various peaceful strategies at different points in its modern history. More specifically, five strategies of peaceful change pursued by India are analyzed here: India’s decolonization and independence, the pursuit of the policy of Panchsheel or the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence with China, the advocacy of nuclear disarmament, India’s “Look/Act East” strategy, and region transformation through the idea of the “Indo-Pacific.” Two limited generalizations can be drawn from the Indian experience. First, peaceful change needs to be understood as a process as opposed to an event, as both India and the targets of such peaceful strategies mutually respond to the other side’s endeavors (while also pursuing other goals in world politics). Second, the process of peaceful change requires that the momentum of peaceful strategies be maintained over time as peaceful change emerges out of an interaction of fortuitous structural factors and conscious agential strategies. The chapter concludes by noting that rising Hindu nationalism will create challenges for any Indian attempt at peaceful change due to the links between domestic politics and foreign policy.

Nonalignment as Yugoslavia's Answer to Bloc Politics

2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 146-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Niebuhr
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
The West ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The 1960S

This article focuses on Tito's effort to use foreign policy actions on behalf of his domestic goals. After a bitter rift emerged with the Soviet Union in 1948, Tito moved closer to the West for several years but never proved willing to shift to democratic politics. Although he did carry out reforms of Yugoslavia's Stalinist system in the 1960s, he maintained an authoritarian Communist polity until the end of his life. The article examines how Tito sought to use Yugoslavia's nonaligned status to boost his domestic legitimacy in the eyes of key elites and even, to a degree, in the eyes of the wider population. Yugoslavia's central role in the Bandung conference in 1955 and its subsequent hosting of the summit that formally set up the Nonaligned Movement in 1961 were used by Tito to try to legitimize the polity over which he presided. Yugoslavia's strategy of nonalignment is a valuable illustration of the connection between domestic politics and foreign policy in Communist as well as non-Communist states.

Division at the Water’s Edge: The Polarization of Foreign Policy

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gyung-Ho Jeong ◽  
Paul J. Quirk
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Multilevel Analysis ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Party Polarization ◽  
Ideological Polarization ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Democrats And Republicans

Severe party conflict, not a high-minded suspension of politics, now prevails “at the water’s edge.” Democrats and Republicans fight pitched battles over foreign affairs. But are the two parties polarized in their substantive preferences on foreign policy, or mainly jockeying for partisan advantage? Are they polarized on foreign policy less sharply than on domestic policy? What are the sources of party polarization over foreign policy? Using a new measure of senatorial foreign-policy preferences from 1945-2010, we explore party polarization over foreign policy. We find that foreign-policy preferences have had varying relationships with party politics and general ideology. Since the 1960s, however, the parties have become increasingly polarized on foreign policy. Using a multilevel analysis, we show that foreign-policy polarization has developed in response to partisan electoral rivalry, foreign-policy events, and general ideological polarization. The analysis indicates an increasing influence of domestic politics on foreign policy.

Use of Ornamental Trees in Dating of Abandoned Cemeteries on the Example of Thuja Occidentalis and Thuja Orientalis

2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-50
Author(s):  
Magdalena Opała ◽  
Leszek Majgier
Keyword(s):  
Climatic Conditions ◽  
The Other ◽  
Lake District ◽  
Thuja Occidentalis ◽  
North Eastern ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Thuja Orientalis ◽  
Ornamental Trees ◽  
Common Tree ◽  
Local Habitat

Abstract Due to the lack of maintenance, abandoned cemeteries are often incorporated into the landscape. In many cases the information about the age of the cemetery is unavailable. To find out the approximate time of the formation of the cemetery the information recorded in the annual tree and shrub rings can be used. One of the most common tree species, planted for ornamental and symbolic purposes on the cemeteries, are Thuja orientalis and Thuja occidentalis. Alien to the Polish flora, these species adapted well to the local habitat and climatic conditions. The paper presents an attempt to apply dendrochronological dating to determine the age of the abandoned cemeteries in the region of the Great Masurian Lakes, part of the Masurian Lake District (north-eastern Poland). The study included five abandoned cemeteries. In total, 15 cores were taken from the trees. After applying the standard dendrochronological method, local chronologies for the studied species were established. The research indicated that the oldest found specimens - over 70 yrs old - are Thuja occidentalis individuals growing at the Słabowo cemetery. At the other sites the specimens of both Thuja species date back to the 1960s and early 1970s. Compared to the historical information regarding the age and origin of the studied objects, thujas growing there are much younger than the age of the cemeteries foundation. The presented method proved to be very helpful in understanding the time of Thuja occidentalis and Thuja orientalis introduction at the investigated cemeteries.

‘Who is Sir Curtis Seretse?’: A Re evaluation of Black Representation in Sixties British Television

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Ahmed
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Prime Time ◽  
Black Representation ◽  
Unique Representation ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Highly Educated ◽  
Crime Dramas ◽  
The Media ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Head Of Department

This paper re-evaluates the significance of Sir Curtis Seretse, a black character from the 1960s television series Department S (ITV 1969-70) which has largely been ignored. While earlier critical and academic discourse of Department S has primarily centred on the flamboyant Jason King, the importance of Seretse’s character has been overlooked. Seretse, as the head of Department S, is in a position of authority and power over the other (white) characters of the show. Furthermore, he represents a highly educated character that converses on equal terms with Prime Ministers and Presidents, a unique representation of a black character on British television at that time. Seretse’s appearance on prime time television, at a period when black performers in the media were invariably confined to little more than token characters, is therefore worthy of further attention. This paper examines how Seretse represents a different type of black character not previously seen on British television, when compared to the representations of racial problems on other television crime dramas.

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