Marxist Thought in Brazil

Author(s):  
Bernardo Ricupero

The history of Marxism in Brazil has been marked by discord. This tension makes sense considering that historical materialism developed in a European social environment, contrasted, to some extent, with the Asian context. The problem is, therefore, twofold. First, the theory proved incapable of reflecting the specificity of a particular social formation. The latter, differing significantly from the reality in which Marxism emerged, comes to be seen as “eccentric.” Moreover, Marxist theory seeks to transform reality, which contributes to a confusion between thought and politics. In the same sense, Marxism cannot be self-sufficient, because it must respond to the challenges of the environment in which it is inserted, contributing, in turn, to its contact with other intellectual and political traditions. Marxist thought in Brazil can be divided into three main historical moments: the first was marked by the preponderant influence of communism, from the 1920s to the 1964 coup; the second was characterized by the emergence in the mid-1950s of a New Left; and the third was the debate regarding democracy, which has gained momentum since the end of the country’s most recent authoritarian period in 1985. Throughout this extended historical period, Brazilian Marxists have been preoccupied with a recurring concern: How will the Bourgeois Revolution happen in Brazil? The periodization is not exact, with trends often overlapping and fostering an evolving political culture. In this way, through opportunities seized and missed, the Left—whose main theoretical reference today is still Marxism—penetrated Brazilian society and became an important part of national life.

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
Л. Ю. Логунова ◽  
Е. А. Маженина

The article presents the results of a long-term study of protest as a cultural phenomenon, the transformation of values, realized in the activities of the best people of the planet and their followers. These values have absorbed the experience of many generations and the behavior of people defending the rights of an individual to dignity, equality before the law, fair attitude, freedom of thought. In the history of the development of political thought, values have formed that constitute the core of civil culture. The genesis of the birth of the nucleus of civil culture from the thinkers of Antiquity, ideologists of nonviolent resistance, leaders of the French bourgeois revolution, activists of the “new left” movement to the protests of our time is shown. The basis for updating the protection of these values is the socio-political situation, characterized by the divergence of interests of civil society and ruling political groups. The values of the core of civil culture (freedom of speech, freedom of conscience, freedom of assembly, human rights) acquire an acute urgency in situations of power crisis. This is the time of the birth of new values that will mobilize new generations of protesters. Protest, as an act of protecting the values of the individual, is a measure of the level of development of political culture in the state. The protest — it's not just a mass exit of dissent on the area. This is an indicator of the level of self-awareness of citizens and the development of the political culture of society. The symbols of political protest actions are a special text that expresses the meanings of values. The authors present the results of a sociological study, which used comparative, value-semantic, interpretive approaches, studied the meanings and values of political protests of the 20th — early 19th centuries, analyzed visual and publicistic evidence of protest actions: photo and video materials, publications in the press.


1989 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Kelley

Historians of the United States have learned much in the past twenty years about the history of what is now called its political culture, and about its environmental history.1 These two dimensions of national life, however, are rarely, if ever, looked at together. The result is that we little understand how powerfully environmental policy is influenced not simply by everyday politics—of that we know abundantly—but by the long-term political mentalities of the Democrats and the Republicans, mentalities which originate not in abstract theorizing, but which grow up naturally within the cultural worlds to be found among the distinctive groups of peoples who line up within one party or the other and remain there, generation after generation. What I propose here is to put political culture and natural resource management history together and see what happens.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 147-174
Author(s):  
Alexander Malinkin

In the 1920’s Marxism, having become the state ideology of Soviet Russia, took a leading position among the political ideologies of Europe in terms of its influence on the minds and hearts of people. The teachings of K. Marx and F. Engels received various interpretations, among which “sociology of knowledge” in the interpretation of M. Scheler and K. Mannheim earned the most recognition in the academic environment. It originated in Germany in the mid 1920’s as a result of criticism of the Marxist “theory of ideology”, of “economist” limitations of the materialistic vision of man, of history and society. In the USSR “sociology of knowledge” was understood to be the most refined attempt to overcome Marxism. The essential characteristics of Marxism and “sociology of knowledge” as interpreted by K. Mannheim are revealed, while being subjected to comparative and critical analysis. The first reaction of Soviet Marxist sociologists to “sociology of knowledge” is analyzed. In the light of this reaction, it was presented as “social fascism”. The specifics of how the teachings of K. Marx and F. Engels existed in the USSR during the 1920s–1930’s are evaluated. “Historical materialism” is qualified as a sociological methodology of suspicion, and the practice of its application by the Bolsheviks as a form of discrimination and persecution in society based on social class and social group affiliation.


Author(s):  
Ilya Anatol'evich Sokov

The subject of this research is the personality of the Canadian intellectual Francis Reginald Scott and his impact upon the state and development of political culture in Canada in the XX century. The evolution of Canadian political culture during the life of F. R. Scott affected by the objective historical factors that formed its distinctive features, new political traditions and new Canadian values, as well as by intresubjective factor, through which manifested the influence of Canadian intellectuals, politicians and public figures. The research methodology leans on the scientific principles of historicism, systematicity and objectivity, intersubjective and societal approaches; and special historical methods of research, such as comparative, typological, genetic and systemic. The scientific novelty lies in tracing the evolution of Canadian political culture in the XX century. The acquired results can be used in further research of the history of political cultures of foreign countries, as well as in scientific-pedagogical activity. The author concludes the evolution of Canadian political culture during the life of F. R. Scott was affected not only by objective historical factors, but also by intresubjective factor, through which manifested the impact of political and social activity of F. R. Scott. The author’s special contribution consists in the new approach towards characterization of political cultures of different nations, which obtained their uniqueness in the course of historical development.


2007 ◽  
pp. 87-103
Author(s):  
R. Nureev

The article is devoted to the history of reception and interpretation of the ideas of Marx and Engels. The author considers the reasons for divergence between Marxist and neoclassical economic theories. He also analyzes the ways of vulgarization of Marx’s theory and the making of Marxist voluntarism. It is shown that the works of Marx and Engels had a certain potential for their over-simplified interpretations. The article also considers academic ("Western") Marxism and evaluates the prospects of Marxist theory in the future.


The present work, The Struggle of My Life: An Autobiography of Swami Sahajanand Saraswati, is an English translation of Sahajanand’s autobiography, written in Hindi, Mera Jeevan Sangarsh. It carries an introduction by the translator which briefly deals with the Swami’s life and legacy. It needs to be emphasized that this is not an autobiography in the common run. Its primary focus is not on Swami’s persona; its central theme is the cause of the freedom movement in general and in particular, of the peasant movement under his leadership. It tells of the life and legacy of one of the most uncompromising and fearless freedom fighters and peasant leaders. It covers the social and political history of one of the most crucial periods of our national life, 1920–47. Today, when the Indian peasantry is faced with a number of intractable problems, it reminds them of the struggles of the peasants of yesteryears and the kind of trials and tribulations they went through. It is also remarkable that despite his vast learning and command over Sanskrit, Swami chose to write in simple, colloquial Hindi. That only speaks for his total identification with the masses. Both the teaching and student community as well as general readers would find this book useful, interesting and intellectually stimulating.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002200942094003
Author(s):  
Peter Burke

George L. Mosse took a ‘cultural turn’ in the latter part of his career, but still early enough to make a pioneering contribution to the study of political culture and in particular what he called political ‘liturgy’, including marches, processions, and practices of commemoration. He adapted to the study of nationalism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the approach to the history of ritual developed by historians of medieval and early modern Europe, among them his friend Ernst Kantorowicz. More recently, the concept of ritual, whether religious or secular, has been criticized by some cultural historians on the grounds that it implies a fixed ‘script’ in situations that were actually marked by fluidity and improvisation. In this respect cultural historians have been part of a wider trend that includes sociologists and anthropologists as well as theatre scholars and has been institutionalized as Performance Studies. Some recent studies of contemporary nationalism in Tanzania, Venezuela and elsewhere have adopted this perspective, emphasizing that the same performance may have different meanings for different sections of the audience. It is only to be regretted that Mosse did not live long enough to respond to these studies and that their authors seem unaware of his work.


2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 559-582 ◽  
Author(s):  
HOLGER NEHRING

This article examines the politics of communication between British and West German protesters against nuclear weapons in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The interpretation suggested here historicises the assumptions of ‘transnational history’ and shows the nationalist and internationalist dimensions of the protest movements' histories to be inextricably connected. Both movements related their own aims to global and international problems. Yet they continued to observe the world from their individual perspectives: national, regional and local forms thus remained important. By illuminating the interaction between political traditions, social developments and international relations in shaping important political movements within two European societies, this article can provide one element of a new connective social history of the cold war.


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