2. The journey from Westphalia to Philadelphia

Author(s):  
Stella Z. Theodoulou ◽  
Ravi K. Roy

‘The journey from Westphalia to Philadelphia’ provides a historical overview of the Anglo-American administrative traditions that have shaped contemporary administrative systems. It discusses the foundations of the modern state and the emergence of popular sovereignty, which provides the roots for the political philosophy underpinning modern democratic administrative systems in countries such as Britain, the United States, France, and India. It also explains that ‘public’ administration, as distinct from other forms of civil administration, is interconnected with democratic governance. The origins of contemporary governance and administration are popularly attributed to the birth of the modern state that emerged with the Peace of Westphalia in 1648.

Author(s):  
Anne Norton

This chapter examines how the Muslim question is tied to the question of democracy. In his book Voyous (translated as Rogues), Jacques Derrida referred to the United States and Islam as the enemies of democracy. In particular, he called Islam “the other of democracy.” Only Islam, Derrida insisted, refuses democracy. Derrida was not the only scholar to have made that claim. His account echoes Samuel Huntington. John Rawls thought Islam so alien that he was obliged to treat it separately. There are countless scholars, left and right, Anglo-American and Continental, who have insisted that Islam is the other of democracy. The chapter suggests that political philosophy in the Muslim (but not simply Muslim) tradition offers visions of democracy, cosmopolitanism, immigration, and integration that are remarkably familiar.


Daedalus ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 145 (3) ◽  
pp. 8-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nannerl O. Keohane

The goal of this essay is to clarify the relationship between leadership and equality as two essential constitutive factors of a democratic political system. The essay is motivated by concern about increasing inequalities in the political system of the United States and other countries that describe themselves as democracies. The first section notes the logical tension between leadership and equality, and spells out my understanding of the key terms I use in this essay. I show how the tension between leadership and equality poses a conundrum for democratic governance. Yet the crux of my argument is that profound socioeconomic inequalities pose the more basic threat. I identify disparities in power, as distinct from leadership, as the root of the problem here. Leadership and power are often conflated. Eliding the differences between the two impedes our understanding of the dilemmas we face. The classical answer to concerns about the abuse of power is to establish institutional constraints on political leadership. Yet good leadership is essential in solving the problems we confront. Because leaders can take significant steps to reduce inequality, leadership and equality are not always in tension. If we are to emerge from our current malaise, we must recognize and draw upon the positive contributions of leadership to efficacious democratic governance.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194-214
Author(s):  
B. Guy Peters

By focusing on administrative traditions this book has emphasized the persistence of administrative patterns. But despite persistence, bureaucracies also change. They change because their tasks change, because the political and social environment changes, and perhaps most importantly because ideas about public administration change. These patterns of change lead into a discussion of convergence, and the question of whether all administrative systems are becoming alike. This chapter summarizes the findings in the book and evaluates models of change and reform when compared to models of persistence. The conclusion is that despite some changes in similar directions, administrative traditions are retaining much of their distinctiveness and they can still be used as a foundation for comparison.


2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 43-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabell Lorey

The Occupy movements in 2011 – this essay focuses mainly on Spain and the United States – have been more than moments of grassroots or direct democracy: they have been collective political practices testing forms of non-representationist democracy in the Europe of representative democracy to an unusually great extent. The precarious subjects of post-Fordism rejected political representation, and at the same time they struggled for a ‘real’ democracy. This oxymoron between representation and democracy structures the political philosophy of Jacques Rancière and corresponds with his well-known distinction between police and politics. This is one of the reasons why his thinking is helpful to understand them as decidedly political ones. However, the assembly as one of the central topoi of theories of democracy plays no prominent role in Rancière’s political philosophy. In contrast to this, I focus on the central practice of the assemblies in the Occupy movements and develop a concept of presentist democracy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (5) ◽  
pp. 692-723 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roy L. Heidelberg

Through a critical reading of Wilson’s 1887 essay, I present an argument that public administration is best understood as a political project to resolve the problem of popular sovereignty. The implication of this argument is that public administration is not simply an endeavor to discover better principles of governing but also a project to create conditions for public administration by addressing perceived problems of democracy. I introduce the concept of mono-archy to conceptualize the rulership behind public administration. The implication of my reading is that public administration cannot be democratic as the political objective is to make democracy “public administrationist.”


2012 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Narizny

For the past three centuries, Great Britain and the United States have stood in succession at the apex of the international hierarchy of power. They have been on the winning side of every systemic conflict in this period, from the War of the Spanish Succession to the Cold War. As a result, they have been able to influence the political and economic development of states around the world. In many of their colonies, conquests, and clients, they have propagated ideals and institutions conducive to democratization. At the same time, they have defeated numerous rivals whose success would have had ruinous consequences for democracy. The global spread of democracy, therefore, has been endogenous to the game of great power politics.


2021 ◽  
pp. 174569162199422
Author(s):  
Benjamin Oosterhoff ◽  
Laura Wray-Lake ◽  
Daniel Hart

Several U.S. states have proposed bills to lower the minimum local and national voting age to 16 years. Legislators and the public often reference political philosophy, attitudes about the capabilities of teenagers, or past precedent as evidence to support or oppose changing the voting age. Dissenters to changing the voting age are primarily concerned with whether 16- and 17-year-olds have sufficient political maturity to vote, including adequate political knowledge, cognitive capacity, independence, interest, and life experience. We review past research that suggests 16- and 17-year-olds possess the political maturity to vote. Concerns about youths’ ability to vote are generally not supported by developmental science, suggesting that negative stereotypes about teenagers may be a large barrier to changing the voting age.


Author(s):  
Anja Johansen

Over the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the meaning of “public-oriented policing” has changed, with great variations between countries. This essay critically analyzes the dichotomy that has often been established between police–public relations in Anglo-American contexts as the model of public-oriented “democratic policing” and police–public relations in continental Europe. Using examples from Britain, the United States, France, and Germany, this essay argues that interpretations by historians and police scholars of the nature of police–public relations have been fundamentally influenced by the political regime they served, and that the positive appreciation among scholars for the principles behind the Anglo-American ideal of police–public relations has often been accepted uncritically. Examples from France and Germany open wider questions about the impact of democratization on police–public relations, the effects of locally organized police on even-handed and responsive policing, and the influence of militarized policing on violence in police–public relations.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 207
Author(s):  
Galina S. Belyaeva ◽  
Valeriy P. Belyaev ◽  
Olga V. Grechkina ◽  
Vladimir I. Shepelev ◽  
Sergey Yu. Chapchikov

This article has both a general theoretical, conceptual, and branch character. It is a complex interdisciplinary study aimed at conceptual approaches establishment to the understanding of national security and the mechanisms for its provision in foreign countries such as the United States and Great Britain. Within the framework of the prepared article, its authors carried out a comparative analysis of strategic legal regulation experience concerning the national security issues of these foreign countries, the use of which is necessary in view of the new global challenges within a national legal system. The specifics of the Anglo-American approach to public administration in the sphere of national security provision are established and systematized.


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 313-321 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Damiani ◽  
Marino De Luca

This article examines the political transformations experienced by the Communist Party and the evolution of the radical left in France in the twenty-five years after 1989. Interpreting the Communist Party and Left Front as anti-establishment, that is, opposed to the political elite, but pro-system parties that are not interested in changing the nature of democratic governance. The peculiarities of French communism and its political philosophy are illustrated. Finally, this study considers the constituent process of the Front. At the beginning of the 21st century, the Front plays the role of a political federation to the left of the Socialist Party with positive electoral results.


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