1. What is secularism?

Author(s):  
Andrew Copson

The British social reformer George Jacob Holyoake (1817–1906) coined the word ‘secularism’ to describe his this-worldly approach to personal morals, to philosophy, and to the of society and politics. A modern definition, provided by scholar Jean Baubérot, sees secularism made up of three parts: separation of religious institutions from the institutions of the state and no domination of the political sphere by religious institutions; freedom of thought, conscience, and religion for all; and no state discrimination against anyone on grounds of their religion or non-religious worldview. ‘What is secularism?’ considers these three parts in more depth and also explains that the idea of secularism is much older.

2020 ◽  
pp. 27-42
Author(s):  
Olivier Roy

This chapter examines secularization. Since the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, there has no longer been only one form of Christianity: a choice has to be made between Protestantism and Catholicism. But more important is the development, from the eighteenth century onward, of what is commonly called secularization. The term actually refers to two different phenomena, which may or may not coincide. The first form of secularization is based on a legal and constitutional concept: the autonomy of the political sphere, leading either to the separation of the state from religious institutions, or to the political takeover of the religious sphere. The second form of secularization is sociological in nature: it denotes the decline in religious observance and the disappearance of religion as the focus of social and cultural life. This is what is called dechristianization in Europe. However, the decline in religious practice across Europe does not necessarily make references to religious identity irrelevant. That people no longer believe in God does not mean society is no longer Christian in its values, such as respect for human dignity, and its institutions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 11-24
Author(s):  
Barbara A. Markiewicz

In line with the concept of politics developed by ancient Greeks, the political sphere is identified with transparency and overtness. However, it has always been hiding secret actions, conspiracies and collusions. The emergence of the modern model of the state, along with the rationalisation of its structures, enabled the secret equivalents of authority to transform into organisations, i.e. institutions alternative to official organisations, established by law and having specific powers. Rather than talking about actual organisations, the author discusses the process whereby these secret, underground structures turn into organisations that influence the sphere of overt politics. She tries to show that this is a specific kind of game between what is explicit and public and what is concealed and secret. This game is constantly present in political activities, although we seldom realise it.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 448-457
Author(s):  
Denis L. Karpov ◽  
Daria A. Soloveva

Political vocabulary is one of the most relevant subjects of study of modern linguistics, constantly updated, it serves as an indicator of the state of the political sphere of society and the political consciousness of a person. The article is devoted to lexemes that have firmly entered the current political vocabulary of our time: democracy, liberal, patriotism, patriot, nationalism, nationalist, opposition, president. Based on the analysis of modern explanatory dictionaries of the Russian language, as well as the dictionary of political terms, it is concluded that terminological, special vocabulary in the modern political language is often used in an unusual meaning. In the article, using the method of contextual analysis, the evaluative connotative element of the meaning of the indicated lexemes is investigated. It is concluded that lexemes acquire a positive or negative evaluative value, first of all, depending on the context, the actual terminological meaning is leveled when used. The revealed meanings are non-systemic, accordingly, they are not fixed in dictionaries, while they are obvious to the carrier and are frequent. This indicates the specific nature of the modern political language, which is influenced by the modern journalistic style. The research results can be used to analyze controversial cases of the use of political vocabulary.


1955 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 431-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans J. Morgenthau

In plato's Theaetetus Socrates develops the character of the philosopher, the man of knowledge, in contrast to the atheoretical, practical man.* He endeavors to demonstrate the distinctive qualities of the philosopher by emphasizing his peculiar attitude towards the political sphere.First, the philosopher has no political ambitions, and he does not care about what is going on in the political sphere.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (31) ◽  
pp. 48-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wojciech M. Hrynicki

Corruption poses a serious threat to the internal security of the state as it destabilises social relations and has a deleterious effect on the political system, negatively affecting legislation and the economy in particular. Corruption, as a phenomenon which erodes social relations, also results in demoralisation and the slackening of morals in society, which is an important substrate of the state. As a multi-dimensional phenomenon, corruption poses a threat to social relations within states and to their internal security both in the broad sense – as a threat to the instruments of the state, and in the narrow sense – threatening the lives, health and property of citizens. Corruption destabilises multiple areas of the functioning of the state, damages the political sphere, in particular in the case of unclear party financing rules and illicit lobbying. It also results in faulty laws and provisions being introduced (or not introduced) which favour the few. Corruption also involves destructive economic phenomena, especially in the case of large public projects and tax-related crimes. Morally, it constitutes treason. It ultimately destabilises state structures, rendering them dysfunctional and inefficient, and perverting the fundamental principles of democracy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 215
Author(s):  
I Nyoman Sukiada

Representation of women in Jembrana Regency Legislative Institution in 2009 election reached 20%. Although it has not reached 30% in accordance with the mandate of Law No. 10 of 2008, the representation of women in the Legislative Institution of Jembrana Regency is the highest among the regencies/cities in Bali. When closely examined, the participation of women in the political sphere has deconstructed itself due to a struggle of power and mobilization. Automatically the law that sets the quota of women’s involvement in practical politics is 30%, especially those si ing in the legislative institution can signal a practice of mobilization. Within certain limits, the process of mobilization appears in the election of women legislators, because women are not really interested in practical politics, but are mobilized by the state, political parties and by the closest people such as husbands. The paper aims to explain the election of female legislators in Jembrana Regency Legislative Institution which indicates that there has been a struggle of power between participation and mobilization.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Adebisi Ademakinwa ◽  
Saheed Bello

The paper assesses the issue of terrorism as a social reality present in the Nigerian state from its origination and the questions treated by the paper among others include: what dimensions did the occurrences of terrorism take on Nigerian socio-political sphere? What are the counter measures taken by individual and groups in dealing with state organized terrorism? What are the dimensions state organized terrorism take in the modern Nigerian state? Lekan Balogun‟s Ogun Skugga is used primarily while other literary works are used to supplement. The paper argues that the state organized terrorism was a surreptitious method of coercion adopted by the colonial authorities equally and eventually adopted by the political elites after independence. It also maintains that individual and groups engaged in subtle and overt terrorism as counter measure against state sponsored terrorism. Again, current acts of terrorism organized by state are multidimensional so also are variables presented by ethnic, tribal and political inclinations which in turn stimulate approaches by individual and groups in counter measures. The importance of this work is the perspectives it presents from history and drama to assess the issue of terrorism and its relevance to modern Nigerian society.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-35
Author(s):  
Edin Djedović ◽  

Constitutionality of the peoples is one of the most frequent terms used in the post - Dayton era of B&H state functioning. The specificity of the existence of constituent binds to B&H and its complex constitutional organization, because the comparative law knows no such terminology. In the political sphere it was first mentioned in the process of dissolution of Yugoslavia, and in the constitutional order of B&H enters through the Constitution of the FB&H, and Constitution of B&H. Following the adoption of the Constitution set the important question of the importance of constituent peoples in terms of whether it is a collective right to a certain cooperation or equal to the concept of sovereignty, and that it applies only to representation in state government at the state level and throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is driven by the various discussions which are usually given to political connotations. The best answer to such questions is given by the Constitutional Court through the third partial Decision on Constituent Peoples, through which prism we look the meaning of the constituent peoples in B&H.


1989 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Young

Although it is now widely conceded that there have been many changes in South Africa in recent years, not least in the political sphere, the nature and significance of these changes remain hotly contested. After sketching the pre-reform system, this article presents a broad and comprehensive account of the institutional reorganization of the South African state and the official justification for it. Acknowledging that at the moment only tentative interpretations of these developments are possible, it poses questions about the adequacy of official explanations and suggests that a deeper motivation for the changes lies in a commitment to both order and reform, the outlines of which are much clearer at the local than at the national level.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (19) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jakir Al Faruki

Nationalism is a core phenomenon in the modern political world on which the state is established and functioned, at least most of the stakeholders argued. In the contemporary Muslim world, the sociopolitical concept comes to the Muslim youths as the most influential as well as vague ideological term in the political sphere. Sometime they confused with explaining the idea especially, comparing with Islamic interpretation of nationhood and nationality. This article investigates the prevailing condition of the explanation about the concept in the Muslim world and makes an effort to analyze it with the sociopolitical ground reality in the globally communicated growing young generation. In addition to this it undertakes an effort to clarify ambiguous understanding about the concept in Islam, sometimes which placed to encounter Islam as global sociopolitical phenomena. It is entirely an academic analysis of the concept considering current global perspective of the Muslim community.


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