5. Exploration and the Enlightenment

Author(s):  
Stewart A. Weaver

‘Exploration and the Enlightenment ’ considers a “Second Great Age of Discovery” that came about during the eighteenth-century Enlightenment. It began with the 1735 Geodesic Mission to the Equator, designed to ascertain the true figure of the Earth. Never before had so large and learned a group of Europeans headed into the remote interior of the New World for an expressly scientific purpose or the results of an expedition been so elaborately publicized in maps, journals, and official reports back home. This trip is seen as the prototype of the modern exploring expedition. The voyages of Captain James Cook in the Pacific Ocean and Alexander von Humboldt's trip to South America provide further examples of Enlightenment exploration.

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hector Luis D’Antoni ◽  
Lidia Susana Burry ◽  
Patricia Irene Palacio ◽  
Matilde Elena Trivi ◽  
Mariano Somoza

Author(s):  
Takenori Nogami

The Manila-Acapulco galleon trade route was established after the Spanish founded Manila City in 1571. Many Asian goods, such as silks and spices, were exported by the Spanish galleons. Many New World goods, including Mexican silver, crossed the Pacific Ocean and were brought to Asia. For instance, the cargoes sent to Acapulco from Manila included East Asian porcelain. On the other hand, in the early modern period, Japanese porcelains were exported from Nagasaki and carried throughout the world. Although, under the rule of the Tokugawa shogunate, Spanish galleons could not enter Nagasaki until the mid-nineteenth century, the Spanish could still get Japanese porcelains if they were brought by Chinese ships. Because Manila was one of the most important port cities of the trade network in Asia, Chinese ships imported many Chinese and Japanese porcelains to Manila. The Spanish in Manila used Japanese porcelains and exported some of them to Acapulco. These were distributed among Spanish colonial cities in the Americas. The majority of them were underglazed blue Kraak-type dishes, underglazed blue items, and overglazed enamel chocolate cups. They reflect Spanish colonial life and culture in America. Moreover, Chinese and Japanese porcelain had an influence on the ceramic industry in America.


1984 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 160-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick Burkhardt

Darwin's letters and some rough notes found in his field notebooks of 1835 confirm the statement in his Autobiography that he had formulated his theory of coral reef formation before the Beagle left South America and before he had seen a coral reef. His geological observations having convinced him of the elevation of the South American continent, Darwin predicted that evidence of a compensatory gradual subsidence of the Pacific Ocean floor would be found in the existence of shallow-water coral genera in the Pacific reef formations. The first draft of the theory was written on board the Beagle shortly after seeing the reefs of Moorea in November 1835. After visiting the Cocos (Keeling) Islands he wrote a summary of his view in a letter of April 1838, in which he expressed his conviction that he had found an explanation which would "put some of the facts in a more simple and connected point of view, than that in which they have hitherto been considered".


Zootaxa ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. H. MARTIN ◽  
A. M.F. AGUIAR ◽  
P. BAUFELD

Crenidorsum aroidephagus Martin & Aguiar sp. nov., a New World native, is here described, colonising several members of the plant family Araceae in Central and South America, southern USA, the Pacific Region and Madeira. It is becoming a minor problem for growers of ornamental-foliage plants. It has recently been discovered in the glasshouse of a botanic garden in Germany. Two Asian species, Aleurotrachelus micheliae (Takahashi) and A. turpiniae (Takahashi) are here transferred to Crenidorsum (both comb. nov.).


2003 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 213-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
I.S. MacLaren

Researchers keen to examine the representation of native people in European accounts of exploration and travel need bring under review the mechanism by which field notes became books, and, once they were books, the multiplicity and diffusion of editions, often themselves quite different from one another. An example that illustrates well this need is British Royal Naval Captain James Cook's posthumously published account of his third voyage to the Pacific Ocean in the years 1776-80. The standard scholarly source is J.C. Beaglehole's monumental edition, The Journals of Captain James Cook on His Voyages of Discovery (1955-74), a twenty-year editing project for the Hakluyt Society, which made available for the first time Cook's own writings until his death at Kealakekua Bay, Sandwich Islands (Hawaii), on 14 February 1779, during the third voyage. However, the need for Beaglehole's project arose, according to the president of the Hakluyt Society, because the original publications differed very widely from Cook's own writings. They were “official” accounts, published by order of George III, and they performed that always interesting exercise—they “improved” on Cook's own writings. It is well known that Cook did not prepare his journals for the press: in the case of the first two voyages to the Pacific, this was his choice. In the case of the third, the choice was not his to make, he being five years deceased. How wide are those differences?In the case of Cook's description of a month-long mooring in Nootka Sound, on the west coast of Vancouver Island, do substantive differences occur between Cook's logs and journal and Bishop John Douglas' edition? Answering that question necessarily involves consulting first editions of the various published accounts.


2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduardo A B Almeida ◽  
Fábio B Quinteiro

Neopasiphaeinae bees (Apoidea: Colletidae) are well known for their Amphinotic distribution in the Australian and Neotropical regions. Affinities between colletid taxa in Australia and South America have been speculated for decades, and have been confirmed by recent phylogenetic hypotheses that indicate a biogeographic scenario compatible with a trans-Antarctic biotic connection during the Paleogene. Despite this proximity, no species occurs on both sides of the Pacific Ocean, but the Neotropical species Hoplocolletes ventralis (Friese, 1924), which was described as an Australian taxon due to an error in the specimen labels. This mistake was recognized by C.D.Michener 50 years ago. We herein report that the same labeling problem also happened with Dasycolletes chalceus Friese, 1924, which remained as a tentatively placed species in the Australian genus Leioproctus until now. Moreover, Dasycolletes chalceus is interpreted as a synonym of Dasycolletes ventralis. We also provide a revised diagnosis for Hoplocolletes, describe the male of H. ventralis in detail for the first time, including a comparative study of its genitalia and associated sterna.


2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 16-33
Author(s):  
Kate Fullagar

The belated European rediscovery of the Pacific helped to test, modify, extend, or otherwise realize the critical, collecting, and conjecturing ethos of the Enlightenment. Whether official philosophers or not, voyagers found in the “new” space of the Pacific more data about the natural and social worlds than they had known before, which led to more empirical comparing, more systematic speculation, and more secular self-questioning. Most scholarship on Enlightenment and Pacific voyaging, however, focuses on relatively elite or well-educated thinkers who were already on the path toward an Enlightenment mindset before they even saw the southern hemisphere. A different story about Enlightenment and the Pacific emerges for less-obviously philosophical voyagers. For these travelers—most of them destined for a maritime but not necessarily an intellectual life—the Pacific could prove to be the primary or originary field for creating an Enlightenment disposition. More particularly, interactions with Pacific people were the means by which some Europeans apprehended what their “philosophical betters” typically discovered via texts. Pacific spaces prompted Enlightenment practices in ordinary mariners more readily or more evidently than they originated them in the educationally advantaged. This article surveys the experiences of a handful of ordinary voyagers to the Pacific Ocean. It aims to move forward discussions about the role the Pacific region and Pacific people played in developing so-called Western modernity.


1948 ◽  
Vol 4 (03) ◽  
pp. 302-315
Author(s):  
André Gschaedler

The Conquest of Mexico was under way when Magellan’s fleet left San Lucar, September 1519, in quest of a western route to the coveted Spice Islands. On May 22, 1607, the two smaller ships of Quirós’ armada put in at Cavite in the Philippines, bringing to a close the last of the great Spanish exploration voyages in the Pacific. By that time the English and the Dutch had entered the ocean. The Sea of the South of which Balboa had taken possession in the name of his sovereigns was not to be an exclusive preserve of Spain any more. Spain was on the defensive in the New World. The great era of Spanish discovery in the Pacific Ocean was not to outlast the climax of Spanish power in the Americas. Quirós never lost his faith in the mission of Spain in the Pacific, but his entreaties, and those of the friars who were ready to accompany him for the spiritual conquest of the Pacific insular world, met with deaf ears. The Spanish authorities were under the impression that Spain had already seized more than she could grasp. In the Pacific the Spaniards were now satisfied with keeping up the Manila Galleon trade, the life line of the Philippines. The task of exploration was taken up by Spain’s competitors the Dutch, the English and the French.


Foremost among the scientific societies of Europe the Royal Society took the initiative in making the necessary preparations for the observations of the transit of Venus in the eighteenth century, when this phenomenon occurred only twice. Such observations were necessary in order to enable the calculation of the solar parallax to be made. The observations of the transit of Venus in 1761 proved to be unsatisfactory and consequently the transit of 1769 was looked forward to with great anticipation. In 1766 Council embarked on the preliminary arrangements for the observation of the forthcoming transit. Exertions were made to engage the most competent observers and instruments were recalled and put in good order. The result of their deliberations was a Memorial to the King in February 1768. The memorialists, after stating the reasons for the desirability of the observations, proposed several localities where the observations should take place. One such locality was '. . . any place not exceeding 30 degrees of Southern latitude, and between the 140th and 180th degrees of longitude West . . .’. The King immediately granted the prayer of the memorialists and ordered a sum of ‘ £4,000 clear of fees’ to be paid to them. The Astronomer Royal, Nevil Maskelyne, F.R.S., was directed by the Council of the Royal Society to prepare the necessary instructions for the observers, Messrs Dymond and Wales, who were to be sent to Hudson Bay; Mr Call to Madras; and Lieutenant Cook and Mr Green to the Pacific. The instructions for Lieutenant Cook and Mr Green are recorded in Council Minutes (1). ( See Appendix A.) The expedition to the Pacific had for its main, but not exclusive object, the observation of the transit by Mr Green and was placed under the command of Lieutenant James Cook who hoisted his pennant in the Endeavour .


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