Rituals and Realities in the International Minority Regime

Author(s):  
Gulazat Tursun
Keyword(s):  
1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 13-20
Author(s):  
Philip E. Chartrand

In December 1974, Ian Smith, the leader of the white minority regime in Rhodesia, announced for the first time since declaring his country’s independence from Britain in 1965 that his government was willing to begin direct negotiations with the African liberation movements seeking to achieve majority rule in Rhodesia. The prospect of such talks leading to an end to guerrilla fighting in Rhodesia and a termination of the United Nations authorized sanctions against the illegal Smith regime is dimmed by the fact that the Africans demand African rule for Rhodesia in the near future if not immediately, while Smith and his supporters have refused to consider such a development “in his lifetime.” Still the announcement constituted a step forward which few informed observers would have deemed likely even a few weeks before.


Author(s):  
Keith Snedegar

Keith Snedegar explores the impact of the civil rights movement on decisions related to NASA facilities outside the United States. Snedegar maintains that when Charles C. Diggs Jr., one of the founders of the Black Congressional Caucus, visited the NASA satellite tracking station at Hartesbeesthoek, South Africa, in 1971, he discovered a racially segregated facility where technical jobs were reserved for white employees and black Africans essentially performed menial labor. Upon his return to the United States, the Detroit congressman embarked on a two-year struggle, first to improve workplace equity at the tracking station, and later, for the closure of the facility. NASA administration under James Fletcher was largely indifferent to demands for change at the station. It was only after Representative Charles Rangel proposed a reduction in NASA appropriations did the agency announce plans to end its working relationship with the white minority regime of South Africa. NASA’s public statements suggested that a scientific rationale lay behind the station’s eventual closure in 1975, but this episode clearly indicates that NASA was acting only under political pressure, and its management remained largely insensitive to global issues of racial equality.


1999 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-160
Author(s):  

AbstractIn recent years, minority issues regularly feature on the international agenda, due to growing concerns for human rights and stability. Minority rights instruments are being multiplied accordingly. While this is no doubt a welcome development, the fact that the effectiveness of any (present and future) minority regime remains to be tested through an adequate implementation machinery should not be overlooked. The aim of this paper is to examine the international monitoring mechanisms which are relevant to minority protection, with a view to discussing the prospects for improving State compliance. An overview of such mechanisms and a focus on some basic, contemporary elements of the resulting monitoring process, afford the basis for a set of forward-looking reflections on the problem of the implementation of minority rights standards. An attempt has been made at analysing the relevant patterns of scrutiny within a broad perspective, namely in relation to their real and/or potential impact on minority protection as embraced by international law.


1985 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 347-361
Author(s):  
M. Adeleye Ojo

This article examines the foreign policy of Mauritania towards its North African states neighbors and other African states. The basis of Mauritania's foreign policy is decolonization, the liberation movement, apartheid, and minority regime. Additionally, policies towards the East, the West, the United States, and the United Nations are discussed. Post independence changes, Colonial legacy, the economy, and the Polisario guerrillas and the war will continue to be important factors in determining foreign policy in Mauritania.


1985 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 363-384
Author(s):  
Layi Abegunrin

Southern Africa has become a battleground between two ideologically and fundamentally opposed constellation of states, Pretoria and Lusaka constellations. The conflict between the two basically concerns the domestic racial policies and the future of South Africa. The Pretoria constellation was launched on July 22, 1980, and is led by P. W. Botha, the South Africa's Prime Minister. The Botha's axis is a designed strategy which essentially aims at using South Africa's economic power and wealth to manipulate its neighboring nine black ruled states; and to exert subtle pressure to ensure that they cohere with the white minority regime of South Africa. This ambition of the Pretoria constellation is a vital part of the total strategy of survival of the Botha government. This particularly involves the use of the economy as an instrument of maintaining ultimate political power and control based on the maintenance of the basic structures of apartheid. This has in turn motivated South Africa's opposition to the policies of economic and political liberation of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) states. The second, the Lusaka constellation and also known as the “Southern Nine” was launched on April 1, 1980. It consists of the nine Southern African States of Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The declared aim of the Southern Nine is to form an alliance which would pursue an economic strategy that would reduce or eliminate their economic dependence on South Africa. To this end, the Southern Nine and the South African-occupied territory of Namibia unanimously adopted a Programme of Action aimed at stimulating inter-state trade with the ultimate objective of economic independence from South Africa.


1994 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 523-542 ◽  
Author(s):  
G Taylor ◽  
J R Wilson ◽  
R C Goldfinger ◽  
J C Hosea ◽  
D J Hoffman ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 198
Author(s):  
Mukhtiar Muhammad ◽  
Farheen Ahmed Hashmi

The Postmodern wave of democratization and the emphasis on democratic values and right to expression make it imperative that the political discourse be studied with more and full attention. In this regard, one genre that is almost totally ignored in Pakistani context and little attention has been paid to it even at the global level, is autobiography. Autobiography is a special kind of composition in which the author gives a picture of the evolution of the self and its relation with the external world throughout this evolutionary process. The famous political autobiography Long Walk to Freedom by Nelson Mandela is, therefore, selected as the basic unit of analysis. Through content analysis different topics are separated from the original text. These topics are then grouped under different categories of van Dijk’s theory of Political Discourse Analysis (PDA). The exploration and analysis of linguistic devices are also carried out. Besides Van Dijk’s PDA, Huckin’s approach to text and Corpus Linguistics’ quantitative methodology aided the systematic in-depth analysis. Methods of both qualitative and quantitative research have been utilized for this study as the researchers believe that quantification of data along with qualitative description produce reliable results. Findings revealed various linguistic devices are used in abundance. Amongst the most prominent ones are the unique and effective use of the year-statistics, language of the minority regime, Afrikaans, Trilingual combination, dramatic language and listing or cluster of three to stress certain themes like racial discrimination, inequality, poverty, parties, law, justice, separation and history.


1978 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-133
Author(s):  
Agrippah T. Mugomba

This paper analyzes the reasons why South Africa looms so large in the African perspective on the subject of Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. Because South Africa plays a pivotal role in both defending and promoting Western political, economic and military interests (brought into sharp focus by the closing of the Suez Canal and again by the oil squeeze), it successfully secures the support - sometimes open but always tacit - of the Western powers, which it then uses, not only to buttress its brutal racist minority regime internally, but also to expand its domination externally in the southern part of the continent. South Africa has acquired an additional leverage with the West in its international power game by virtue of the fact that it is a major uranium producer. Furthermore, the West, primarily America, would find South Africa very useful in its interventions in Southern Africa both to prevent a radical change in the status quo and to have unhindered access to the vast natural resources of the region. With South Africa's clandestine nuclearization, with the connivance if not collusion of some Western countries, its capacity for thwarting African aspirations has increased enormously.


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