scholarly journals Paradiplomacy as a Provincial State-Building Project: The Case of Yunnan’s Relations With the Greater Mekong Subregion

2016 ◽  
pp. orw022
Author(s):  
Czeslaw Tubilewicz
2018 ◽  
Vol 67 (5) ◽  
pp. 760-777 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cinzia D Solari

Although migration scholars have called for studying both ends of migration, few studies have empirically done so. In this article the author analyzes ethnographic data conducted with migrant careworkers in Italy, many undocumented, and their non-migrant children in Ukraine to uncover the meanings they assign to monetary and also social remittances defined as the transfer of ideas, behaviors, and values between sending and receiving countries. The author argues that migrants and non-migrant children within transnational families produce a transnational moral economy or a set of social norms based on a shared migration discourse – in this case, either poverty or European aspirations – which governs economic and social practices in both sending and receiving sites. The author found that these contrasting transnational moral economies resulted in the production of ‘Soviet’ versus ‘capitalist’ subjectivities with consequences for migrant practices of integration in Italy, consumption practices for migrants and their non-migrant children, and for Ukraine’s nation-state building project.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 26-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amelia Rosenberg Weinreb

This article explores the trope of desert desolation in the Zionist state-building project. It traces the strategic uses of desolate imagery in the pioneer narrative (1880s–1920s), by the New Hebrew culture (1923–1948), during the ‘golden age’ of urban and regional planning (1948–1956), and through marketing the Negev desert town of Mitzpe Ramon to tourists (1993–present). These eras highlight the tension between desolation as reflecting the alienated ‘outsiders’ gaze’ versus desolation as energizing and inspiring place making. I argue that since unproductive, desolate landscapes pose an economic threat, both Israel’s collectivist and capitalist settlement projects have confronted the challenge of strategically rebranding desolation to promote its allure.


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alaa Tartir

The Palestinian Authority (PA) adopted donor-driven security sector reform (SSR) as the linchpin to its post-2007 state-building project. As SSR proceeded, the occupied West Bank became a securitized space and the theater for PA security campaigns whose ostensible purpose was to establish law and order. This article tackles the consequences of the PA's security campaigns in Balata and Jenin refugee camps from the people's perspective through a bottom-up ethnographic methodological approach. These voices from below problematize and examine the security campaigns, illustrating how and why resistance against Israel has been criminalized. The article concludes by arguing that conducting security reform to ensure stability within the context of colonial occupation and without addressing the imbalances of power can only ever have two outcomes: “better” collaboration with the occupying power and a violation of Palestinians' security and national rights by their own security forces.


Author(s):  
Nicola Contessi

In its 25 years of existence as an independent state, Kazakhstan has had to invent an entire foreign policy. The process was driven by multiple objectives, for a large part aimed at ensuring the success of the broader state-building project: the preservation of national sovereignty, political stability, economic growth, and taking on international responsibilities. This strategy, shaped at once by the nature of the political regime and the constraints of the regional system, was inspired by the convergence of economic, political, and geopolitical considerations. Taking stock of Kazakhstan’s external action, this article finds unexpected correspondence with the key tenets of middle power doctrine, pointing to a widely unacknowledged reading of the country’s external action.


Author(s):  
Ben Nobbs-Thiessen

The Epilogue extends the history of the March to the East to the present. It returns to the personal history of current Bolivian President Evo Morales and links his personal trajectory in the March to the East to his administration’s current plans to extend the agricultural frontier. The epilogue also examines the ways that transnational and regional dynamics continue to unfold in this national state-building project. Just as ideas of abandonment provided a key framing narrative for the body of this work, conflicting notions of autonomy help us understand Santa Cruz at the beginning of the twenty-first century. During the well-publicized autonomy movement of 2008, residents of Santa Cruz challenged state authority emanating from the Andes and lashed out at the visible presence of highland indigenous migrants. This occurred even as lowland indigenous peoples voiced a very different set of demands for autonomy. Long silenced in the March to the East, the Guaraní, Chiquitano, Sirionó, Ayoreo, and other indigenous communities recast the narrative of settlement as one of displacement and organized to demand the return of their traditional lands.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

The Introduction presents the main concerns of the book and principal research question: what is the current status of organized labor in Israel and what is its role in the representation of workers following the decline of the Israeli variant of neocorporatism? It then overviews the rise of (Jewish) organized labor in pre-state Mandatory Palestine, its decisive role in the Zionist state-building project, its decline from the late 1970s onwards, and its ostensible resurgence in the new millennium. The Histadrut is introduced as a formerly crucial and extremely powerful political institution, now undermined by policies associated with neoliberalism which also transformed Israel’s labor market and employment norms. The chapter ends by outlining the book’s contribution to existing scholarship of trade unions and labor in Israel.


2002 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 807-844 ◽  
Author(s):  
PEDRO SANTONI

In 1848 the moderado administration of General José Joaquín Herrera staged public ceremonies to honour the ‘polko’ national guardsmen who had died defending Mexico City during the recent war with the USA. Herrera's government attempted to use the rituals to alleviate the pain of defeat and bring together a divided nation, as well as to reorganise the national guard into a military force manned by the well-to-do that would help preserve political stability and social harmony. Herrera's state-building project ultimately failed because the ceremonies could not surmount the tensions that afflicted Mexico. In the long run, the inability to restructure the national guard allowed Mexican statesmen in the late 1800s to disband that military force and to diminish its status in national patriotic discourse.


2022 ◽  
pp. 002190962110696
Author(s):  
Asebe Regassa Debelo ◽  
Teshome Emana Soboka

Frontier making in Ethiopia has historical roots from the formation of the modern Ethiopian state in the late-19th century through wars of conquest. The conquest, which was inspired by political and economic motivations of the highland Christian kingdom, used the notion of a “civilizing mission”—civilizing the “backward” and “underdeveloped” people, and “underutilized” spaces—through imposition of an imperial state system and Orthodox Christianity. The foundation and horizontal expansion of Addis Ababa or Finfinne by displacing Indigenous inhabitants was part of the state building project under successive regimes. Over the last century and a half, the city has continued its unchecked expansion in a process involving multilayered actors whose interests overlapped in terms of grabbing the land they considered “underutilized.” More specifically, the last three decades evince commoditization of farmlands, grazing areas, and cultural and sacred spaces through land lease, which eventually dissolve existing customary systems, values, and practices. This paper critically analyzes the dynamics of frontier making in or from Addis Ababa or Finfinne, the political economy behind such unchecked frontier expansion and how it activated the power of resistance in 2014. The paper concludes that frontier making in or from Addis Ababa through dispossession of Oromo farmers has been part of the broader political establishment in Ethiopia and should be viewed within the same lens.


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