‘Where Did the Other Heroes Go?’ Exalting the Polko National Guard Battalions in Nineteenth-Century Mexico

2002 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 807-844 ◽  
Author(s):  
PEDRO SANTONI

In 1848 the moderado administration of General José Joaquín Herrera staged public ceremonies to honour the ‘polko’ national guardsmen who had died defending Mexico City during the recent war with the USA. Herrera's government attempted to use the rituals to alleviate the pain of defeat and bring together a divided nation, as well as to reorganise the national guard into a military force manned by the well-to-do that would help preserve political stability and social harmony. Herrera's state-building project ultimately failed because the ceremonies could not surmount the tensions that afflicted Mexico. In the long run, the inability to restructure the national guard allowed Mexican statesmen in the late 1800s to disband that military force and to diminish its status in national patriotic discourse.

Author(s):  
Nicola Contessi

In its 25 years of existence as an independent state, Kazakhstan has had to invent an entire foreign policy. The process was driven by multiple objectives, for a large part aimed at ensuring the success of the broader state-building project: the preservation of national sovereignty, political stability, economic growth, and taking on international responsibilities. This strategy, shaped at once by the nature of the political regime and the constraints of the regional system, was inspired by the convergence of economic, political, and geopolitical considerations. Taking stock of Kazakhstan’s external action, this article finds unexpected correspondence with the key tenets of middle power doctrine, pointing to a widely unacknowledged reading of the country’s external action.


Author(s):  
Nick Ceramella

<strong><strong></strong></strong><p align="LEFT">I<span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed; font-size: small;">n the Introduction to this article, I deal with the importance of speaking one’s </span>own language as a way to assert one’s identity. Then I pass on to the evolution of the English language from its start as Old English, spoken by only a few thousand Angles and Saxons.</p><p align="LEFT"><span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed; font-size: small;">I remark how, at fi rst, it was contaminated by thousands of </span>Latin, French and Scandinavian words, of which contemporary English still bears many clear traces, but nobody has ever thought that English was ever in danger of disappearing. By contrast, in the long run, it became the mother tongue of the speakers in comparatively newly founded countries, such as the USA, Australia, and New Zealand, and owing to the spread of the British Empire, it has dramatically increased its appeal becoming the most spoken and infl uential language in the world. Thus, according to some linguists, it has led several languages virtually to the verge of disappearance. Therefore, I argue whether English has really vampirised them, or has simply contributed to make people understand each other, sometimes even in the same country where lots of diff erent tongues are spoken (e.g. Nigeria).</p><p align="LEFT">It is self-evident that English has gradually been taking the role of a common unifying factor in our globalised world. In this view, I envisage a scenario where English may even become the offi cial l anguage o f the E U with the c ontributions &amp; coming, though in varying doses, from all the speakers of the other EU languages.</p>


2020 ◽  
pp. 182-224
Author(s):  
Nathan S. French

While the legal defenses of martyrdom-seeking operations of al-Qaʿida jurists and their sympathizers emphasize individual acts of self-renunciation, the state-building project of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi’s self-declared caliphate of the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) instrumentalized martyrdom-seeking operations as fundamental to its political objectives. Alongside the arguments of Abu Bakr al-Naji and Abu ʿAbdullah al-Muhajir, the authors and jurists of ISIS—foremost among them Turki al-Binʿali, a former student of Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi and grand mufti of ISIS—maintained Jihadi-Salafi narratives of theodicy and self-renunciation but identified specific gender roles for men and women in the state-building project. Women were to practice self-renunciation away from the battlefield and within the household, where they were to prepare the next generation of fighters. Men, on the other hand, were expected to go forth and fight in God’s cause, seeking martyrdom if necessary.


2020 ◽  
pp. 097674792090311
Author(s):  
S. Maria Immanuvel ◽  
D. Lazar

This article examines the long-run and the short-run elastic relationships between price, income and gold demand. Four major gold consuming countries in the world, such as India, the USA, Europe and Japan, are included in the analysis. The study period is from January 2000 to December 2017. Using the Cointegration and Error Correction model, we found a long-run relationship between gold demand, price and income of the consumers. Price elasticity is negative and income elasticity is positive in the long run. The speed of error correction is slightly higher for India. Indian gold market takes a shorter time to get back to its equilibrium than the other major gold consuming countries. India’s overall gold consumption is relatively lesser reactive to the fluctuations in the world gold price than the other countries. Consumers in India react expeditiously in the short run and their response to the price changes is stable in the long run. More than 70 per cent of India’s gold consumption is unaffected by the price fluctuations. This behaviour eventually increases the wealth in the country. Hence the study suggests that instead of curbing the demand, new financial products may be developed to monetise the gold lying idle in the households. Various gold monetisation schemes already launched by the government should reach especially the rural section, as most of them may not be aware of these schemes. This may tend to bring a considerable amount of gold into the system. JEL: G14, Q02, Q21


Author(s):  
Iakiv Serhiiovych Halaniuk

The article highlights the author’s approach to improving coopera- tion mechanisms of the State Border Service of Ukraine with public organiza- tions and population. There has been analyzed public control as a means their cooperation and priorities of improving the cooperation, particularly, forms and methods of organizing citizens’ feedback, introduction of the assessment pro- cedure of the efficiency of the SBSU and population and public organization. There have been stated conceptual pillars of the public control development in the SBSU, developed by the author, including public control forms and resource provision. There has been considered a mechanism algorithm of the public par- ticipation in the development of the border administration through submitting petitions or proposals concerning a legally enforceable enactment draft (or the legally enforceable enactment currently in force). There has been represented a mechanism model of discussing legally enforceable enactments and public peti- tions, developed by the author. It is noted that one of the mechanisms of interac- tion of the SBSU with the public is effective public control, which becomes an in- tegral part of ensuring national security and political stability. The conditions of permanence of Ukraine's threats in the border area, and in certain areas and their exacerbation, along with further reforms of the institutes of Ukrainian statehood, cause the problem of establishing and implementing public control in the border area as an important and urgent one.It is proved that public control is intended to determine the correctness of the military-force policy in the border area, the validity of the scale and optimality of the forms of activity of the border guards. In accordance with all this, in the subject area of public control should be: political decisions on issues of border security, including international agreements; the expediency and validity of government programs for the provision and reform of the border authorities of Ukraine, assess- ment of the effectiveness of these programs and the procedure for making changes to them.


Author(s):  
Oscar Gutiérrez-Bolívar ◽  
Oscar Gutiérrez-Bolívar ◽  
Pedro Fernández Carrasco ◽  
Pedro Fernández Carrasco

The opening of relationships between United States and Cuba could be a drive for a huge increase in the affluence of tourism to Cuba and especially to the coast areas. Cuba has been for many years an important tourist destination for people from many countries, but almost forbidden for US citizens. The proximity of the USA, its amount of population as well as their great acquisition power will increase in a very substantial way the demand for accommodation and other uses in the proximity of the coasts. There will be a need to implement a package of measures that reduce the impact of such sudden increase in the coastal line. On the other hand that augment in tourism could be an opportunity to improve the standard of life of Cubans. The consideration of different possibilities of such development, the analysis of the damages that each one could cause as well as the measures that could avoid, ameliorate or compensate such effects are the goals that are going to be presented in this paper.


Games ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Roberto Rozzi

We consider an evolutionary model of social coordination in a 2 × 2 game where two groups of players prefer to coordinate on different actions. Players can pay a cost to learn their opponent’s group: if they pay it, they can condition their actions concerning the groups. We assess the stability of outcomes in the long run using stochastic stability analysis. We find that three elements matter for the equilibrium selection: the group size, the strength of preferences, and the information’s cost. If the cost is too high, players never learn the group of their opponents in the long run. If one group is stronger in preferences for its favorite action than the other, or its size is sufficiently large compared to the other group, every player plays that group’s favorite action. If both groups are strong enough in preferences, or if none of the groups’ sizes is large enough, players play their favorite actions and miscoordinate in inter-group interactions. Lower levels of the cost favor coordination. Indeed, when the cost is low, in inside-group interactions, players always coordinate on their favorite action, while in inter-group interactions, they coordinate on the favorite action of the group that is stronger in preferences or large enough.


1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 833-852 ◽  
Author(s):  
R D Bingham ◽  
K K Sunmonu

In this paper, the changes in the US automobile industry which have occurred over the 1979–86 economic downturn and recovery are examined within the framework of Markusen's profit-cycle theory. When viewing the automobile indusltry as a whole, some of the findings support the profit-cycle theory and others do not. The theory is supported, however, within the context of two distinct automobile industries in the USA—one ‘Fordist’ and the other a Japanese ‘post-Fordist’ system. The Fordist system is entering the negative profit-cycle phase and the post-Fordist system is in the mature phase. The two systems have very different spatial configurations and are likely to have very different economic futures.


2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-393 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lloyd J. Dumas

AbstractThe indirect effects of military spending on security are stronger and more important than its direct effects, and its long run impact more telling than its short run impact. In the short run, military spending can be a source of both physical security and economic stimulus. In the long run, it can be counterproductive in terms of physical security and will be a dead weight on the economy. How a society’s productive resources are deployed, as between military spending and more economically productive activities, sets it on a long-term course with powerful implications for the ability of its economy to do what it is supposed to do – provide for the material well-being of the population as a whole. The mechanism by which the extensive and extended diversion of productive economic resources to economically unproductive military spending drags an economy down is analyzed. Furthermore, it is possible to use properly structured international and domestic economic relationships in place of threats or use of military force to increase national and international security, while at the same time enhancing, rather than degrading, economic wellbeing. Three principles for structuring such a “peacekeeping economy” are set forth.


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