Love, or On the Best Life

Author(s):  
Ryan Patrick Hanley

Chapter 7 focuses on Fénelon’s concept of pure love and its relationship to his political philosophy. In so doing, it contests the common claim that Fénelon sought to realize pure love in political practice. In contrast, it argues that his political philosophy is in fact animated by a deep awareness of the gap that separates the world of human glory from the world of divine glory, the earthly city from the heavenly city. To this end it proceeds in three parts. The first part examines his definition of pure love, and the degree to which this definition comports with the categories of his political thought. The next section examines Fénelon’s understanding of the life of pure love, and how it compares to the lives led by political rulers and philosophers. The final section offers a brief consideration of Fénelon’s own life seen through the lens of pure love.

Author(s):  
Avtandil kyzy Ya

Abstract: This paper highlights similarities and different features of the category of kinesics “hand gestures”, its frequency usage and acceptance by different individuals in two different cultures. This study shows its similarities, differences and importance of the gestures, for people in both cultures. Consequently, kinesics study was mentioned as a main part of body language. As indicated in the article, the study kinesics was not presented in the Kyrgyz culture well enough, though Kyrgyz people use hand gestures a lot in their everyday life. The research paper begins with the common definition of hand gestures as a part of body language, several handshake categories like: the finger squeeze, the limp fish, the two-handed handshake were explained by several statements in the English and Kyrgyz languages. Furthermore, this article includes definitions and some idioms containing hand, shake, squeeze according to the Oxford and Academic Dictionary to show readers the figurative meanings of these common words. The current study was based on the books of writers Allan and Barbara Pease “The definite book of body language” 2004, Romana Lefevre “Rude hand gestures of the world”2011 etc. Key words: kinesics, body language, gestures, acoustics, applause, paralanguage, non-verbal communication, finger squeeze, perceptions, facial expressions. Аннотация. Бул макалада вербалдык эмес сүйлѳшүүнүн бѳлүгү болуп эсептелген “колдордун жандоо кыймылы”, алардын эки башка маданиятта колдонулушу, айырмачылыгы жана окшош жактары каралган. Макаланын максаты болуп “колдордун жандоо кыймылынын” мааниси, айырмасы жана эки маданиятта колдонулушу эсептелет. Ошону менен бирге, вербалдык эмес сүйлѳшүүнүн бѳлүгү болуп эсептелген “кинесика” илими каралган. Берилген макалада кѳрсѳтүлгѳндѳй, “кинесика” илими кыргыз маданиятында толугу менен изилденген эмес, ошого карабастан “кинесика” илиминин бѳлүгү болуп эсептелген “колдордун жандоо кыймылы” кыргыз элинин маданиятында кѳп колдонулат. Андан тышкары, “колдордун жандоо кыймылынын” бир нече түрү, англис жана кыргыз тилдеринде ма- селен аркылуу берилген.Тѳмѳнкү изилдѳѳ ишин жазууда чет элдик жазуучулардын эмгектери колдонулду. Түйүндүү сѳздѳр: кинесика, жандоо кыймылы, акустика,кол чабуулар, паралингвистика, вербалдык эмес баарлашуу,кол кысуу,кабыл алуу сезими. Аннотация. В данной статье рассматриваются сходства и различия “жестикуляции” и частота ее использования, в американской и кыргызской культурах. Следовательно, здесь было упомянуто понятие “кинесика” как основная часть языка тела. Как указано в статье, “кинесика” не была представлена в кыргызской культуре достаточно хорошо, хотя кыргызский народ часто использует жестикуляцию в повседневной жизни. Исследовательская работа начинается с общего определения “жестикуляции” как части языка тела и несколько категорий жестикуляции, таких как: сжатие пальца, слабое рукопожатие, рукопожатие двумя руками, были объяснены несколькими примерами на английском и кыргызском языках. Кроме того, эта статья включает определения слов “рука”, “рукопожатие”, “сжатие” и некоторые идиомы, содержащие данных слов согласно Оксфордскому и Академическому словарю, чтобы показать читателям их образное значение. Данное исследование было основано на книгах писателей Аллана и Барбары Пиз «Определенная книга языка тела» 2004 года, Романа Лефевра «Грубые жестикуляции мира» 2011 года и т.д. Ключевые слова: кинесика, язык жестов, жесты, акустика, аплодисменты, паралингвистика, невербальная коммуникация, сжатие пальца, чувство восприятия, выражение лиц.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-112
Author(s):  
Nachman Alexander

This article examines how Fadlallah and Khomeini’s respective quests for sovereignty are reflected in their political thought, particularly vis-a-vis their notions of maṣlaḥa, which I define as the “common good.” I argue that if, to an extent, Islamic political thought seeks to maximise maṣlaḥa, then this can also constitute a claim to sovereignty, the definition of which remains multidimensional and contentious. By closely examining Fadlallah and Khomeini’s writings and pronouncements on governance, popular movement, and state, I attempt to reveal how discussions regarding Islamic governance demonstrate a broader claim to authority in Islamic history.


Res Publica ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Guillery

AbstractA common objection to a proposal or theory in political philosophy is that it is not feasible to realise what it calls for. This is commonly taken to be sufficient to reject a proposal or theory: feasibility, on this common view, operates as a straightforward constraint on moral and political theory, whatever is not feasible is simply ruled out. This paper seeks to understand what we mean when we say that some proposal or outcome is or is not feasible. It will argue that no single binary definition can be given. Rather, there is a whole range of possible specifications of the term ‘feasible’, each of which selects a range of facts of the world to hold fixed. No single one of these possible specifications, though, is obviously privileged as giving the appropriate understanding of ‘feasibility’ tout court. The upshot of my account of feasibility, then, will be that the common view of feasibility as a straightforward constraint cannot be maintained: in order to reject a moral theory, it will not be sufficient simply to say that it is not feasible.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 306-323
Author(s):  
Salvatore Tufano

Abstract The present paper suggests that the recurring appeal to kinship diplomacy undermines a fixed idea of ‘nation’ in Archaic Greece, especially in the first two decades of the fifth century BC. It aims to present a series of test cases in Herodotus that explain why contemporary patterns and theories on ancient ethnicity can hardly explain the totality of the historical spectrum. Blood ties could sometimes fortify ethnic relationships, as in the case of Aristagoras’ mission to Sparta (Hdt. 5.49.3), since the common Greekness could elicit the Spartan to help to the Ionians. In other times, the same blood ties were applied to divine genealogies, and they could also be used to show the feeble devotion of cities like Argos to the Greek cause (7.150.2: Xerxes expects the Argives to join the Persian cause, since they descend from Perses). Habits and traditions, often taken as indicia of national feeling, could be thought of as clues of ancient migrations (so the Trojans became Maxyes in Lybia: 4.191). Even language might not help in justifying ethnic relationships: for instance, the Greeks living in the Scythian Gelonus spoke a mixed language (4.108). These few case studies may shed a different light on the classical definition of Greekness (to hellenikon) in terms of blood, language, cults, and habits, all given by Herodotus (8.144). Far from being a valid label for all the Greeks of the fifth century, this statement owes much to a specific variety of the language of kinship diplomacy. The final section argues for the opportunity to avoid the later and misleading idea of nation when studying Herodotus and the age of the Persian Wars, which are instead characterized by various and contrasting strategies. Greek groups and ethne can be better described as networks of lightly defined communities.


Author(s):  
Judith N. Shklar

After Utopia was the author's first book, a harbinger of her renowned career in political philosophy. Throughout the many changes in political thought during the last half century, this important work has withstood the test of time. The book explores the decline of political philosophy, from Enlightenment optimism to modern cultural despair, and offers a critical, creative analysis of this downward trend. It looks at Romantic and Christian social thought, and shows that while the present political fatalism may be unavoidable, the prophets of despair have failed to explain the world they so dislike, leaving the possibility of a new and vigorous political philosophy. With a foreword examining the book's continued relevance, this current edition introduces a remarkable synthesis of ideas to a new generation of readers.


John Rawls ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 53-60

What is the relation between political theory and political practice? In what ways can political philosophy help people to address real injustices in the world? John Rawls argues that an important role of political philosophy is to identify the ideal standards of justice at which we should aim in political practice. Other philosophers challenge this approach, arguing that Rawls’s idealizations are not useful as a guide for action or, worse, that they are an impediment to addressing actual injustices in the world. They argue, instead, that political philosophy ought to be focused on theorizing about the elimination of existing injustice. Still others argue that principles of justice should be identified without any constraint concerning the possibility of implementation or regulation in the real world at all....


Author(s):  
O. Bogomolov

The relative weakness of the modern social and political thought is especially visible against the background of the global economic crisis and historical changes in the world. We see a trampling on outdated ideological and historical positions, as well as a lack of the ability to produce a generalized vision of the new trends and realities of social life, correctly assessing their meaning, direction, possible consequence. Most importantly, there is a failure to offer an adequate practical political vector of actions. The definition of the post-reform model of social and political system remains an urgent problem for Russia as well. Academic thought must provide political and economic practice by adequate indicators enabling to evaluate spiritual, moral and physical health of the society, efficiency of the governmental apparatus, the quality and professionalism of managers.


2013 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 142-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Bate

AbstractAll the elements of twentieth-century politics in Tamilnadu cohere in 1918–1919: human and natural rights, women's rights, the labor movement, linguistic nationalism, and even the politics of caste reservation. Much has been written of how this politics was mediated by newspapers, handbills, and chapbooks, and the dominant narrative of such events privileges the circulation of print and print culture of vernacular language. This paper explores the relatively lesser-known story of the role and impact of vernacular oratory on the development of the mass political in Tamilnadu from the Swadeshi movement (1905–1908) to the formation of labor unions (1917–1919), and the explicit attempt to persuade non-elites into speech, action, and ultimately politics. I argue that Tamil oratory was an infrastructural element in the production of the political, at least the political as we understand it in twentieth-century Tamilnadu, where oratory became the defining activity of political practice. When elites made the conscious move to begin addressing the common man, when Everyman was called to join into the political, a new agency was formed along with a new definition of what politics would look like. The paper considers what such new agency and definitions entail in pursuit of a better understanding of what constitutes the political generally and the Tamil political in particular.


1957 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert G. McCloskey

The title of this essay poses not one vexing issue but two, and each of them sharply challenges the student of American political thought. The first might be called the common problem of political theory—the question of its relevance to the institutional facts of life. How, it is asked, can the analysis of political ideas help to illuminate our understanding of political action? Can theory lead us to a surer knowledge of why governments and electorates behave as they do? Can it help us to diagnose and prescribe? Or is the study of theory, on the contrary, justified simply on the ground that the words of Plato and Hobbes and Locke are part of what Matthew Arnold called culture: “the best that has been thought or known in the world”? This is, I take it, a problem universal among students of political thought, whether they choose America, Europe, or China as their realm; and it lends itself to no easy answers.


1988 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. G. Walsh

One of the more endearing of the seventy-eight treatises which make up the Moralia of Plutarch is one entitled ‘On not minding your own business'. The Greek title, Περ Πολυπραγμοσνης, reminds us momentarily of Plato's famous definition of justice in Republic 4, which is to do your own thing (μ πολυπραγμονεῖν). Plutarch was indeed an ardent Platonist, but here he is concerned not with political philosophy but with social habits. The treatise reminds me of nothing so much as of a famous Lancastrian comedian of my youth called Norman Evans, who in a sketch called Over the Garden Wall assumed the transvestite role of a nosy female neighbour, simultaneously pegging out clothes and retailing juicy items of gossip. For Plutarch, after defining this nosiness or πολυπραγμοσνη as ‘an unhealthy and harmful state of mind, a fondness for learning the misfortunes of others, a disease apparently free of neither envy nor malice’, condemns the common tendency to pry into the social origins of neighbours, their debts, and their private conversations. He likewise condemns people who read their friends' letters, and who watch sacred ceremonies which it is μ θμισ ρν (perhaps he had in mind Clodius' gate-crashing of the rite of Bona Dea). Such inquisitiveness, says Plutarch, is invariably accompanied by a wagging tongue, for what these people gladly hear, they gladly blab about: a ἃ γἔρ δως κοουσιν, δως λαλοσιν Pascal in his Pensees says much the same thing: ‘Curiosity is only vanity. Most often we only wish to know in order to talk about it.’


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