State Suppression of Baikal Activism

Author(s):  
Kate Pride Brown

In 2012, the Russian Federation passed the “Foreign Agent” law, requiring nonprofit organizations that receive funding from abroad and engage in political activity to register with the government as a “foreign agent.” This chapter traces the enactment of this law in the Baikal community. Only one organization fell victim to the law: Baikal Environmental Wave. The Wave was one of Siberia’s oldest environmental organizations and was the most committed to environmental advocacy. It was no stranger to state persecution, but this law rendered it incapable of operating and it finally shut down. The Foreign Agent law represents a new form of dominating the field of power. Unlike the Soviet government, which outlawed all independent activity, the Putin government practices “legal nihilism,” using the law only to target strategic opponents. Civil society may be independent and thrive, but it cannot threaten the state without grave consequences.

2020 ◽  
pp. 42-48
Author(s):  
Violetta Sergeevna Neznanova

The subject of this article is the process of interaction between the government and civil society. The goal is to prove that a promising legal framework for the development of dialogue between the government and civil society exists not only in Russia overall, but in separate regions as well. The author achieves the set goal by analyzing the evolution of civil society in Russia and understanding peculiarities of the process of interaction between the government and civil society in Saint Petersburg. The article leans on the data provided by the center “Strategy”, Civic Chamber of the Russian Federation, Civic Chamber of Saint Petersburg , “Center for the Development of Nonprofit Organizations”, etc. The scientific novelty consists in determination of peculiarities influencing the process of interaction between the government and civil society in Saint Petersburg. The main conclusion lies in the statement that Saint Petersburg has a decent legal and social framework for further advancement of interaction between the government and civil society: presence of normative legal base for regulating such interaction; presence of a relatively large number of registered nonprofit organizations in Saint Petersburg; active work of a number of nonprofit organizations reflected in mass media; existence of community boards on the territory of Saint Petersburg. Overall, Saint Petersburg offers all conditions for effective interaction between the government and civil society.


Author(s):  
E.V. Klovach ◽  
◽  
A.S. Pecherkin ◽  
V.K. Shalaev ◽  
V.I. Sidorov ◽  
...  

In Russia, the reform of the regulatory guillotine is being implemented in the field of control and supervisory activity. It should result in a new regulatory system formed according to the principles specified in the key federal laws: «On state control (supervision) and municipal control in the Russian Federation» (Law on Control) and «On mandatory requirements in the Russian Federation» (Law on Mandatory Requirements) adopted in August 2020. In the field of industrial safety, this process was launched by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation № 1192, which will come into force on January 1, 2021. The main provisions are discussed in the article, which are related to the Law on Control and the Law on Mandatory Requirements. The Law on Control establishes the priority of preventive measures aimed at reducing the risk of causing harm in relation to the control activities, the grounds for carrying out control (supervisory) activities, the types of these activities in the forms of interaction with the controlled person and without such, the procedure for presentation of the results of control (supervisory) activity. The Law on Mandatory Requirements establishes that the provisions of regulatory legal acts should enter into force either from March 1 or September 1, but not earlier than 90 days after their official publication, and their validity period should not exceed 6 years. The drafts of regulatory legal acts developed by the federal executive bodies are subject to regulatory impact assessment. With a view to ensuring systematization of mandatory require ments, their register is kept. The federal executive body prepares a report on the achievement of the goals of mandatory requirements introduction. By January 1, 2021, 10 resolutions of the Government of the Russian Federation, 48 federal norms and rules in the field of industrial safety and 9 other regulatory legal acts of Rostechnadzor should be adopted. The drafts of all the documents are already prepared, some of the acts are completing the process of discussion and approval.


Author(s):  
Peter Anstey

John Locke was the leading English philosopher of the late seventeenth century. His two major works, An Essay concerning Human Understanding and Two Treatises of Government, both published in 1690, have exerted enormous influence on subsequent thought, particularly in metaphysics, theory of knowledge and political philosophy. Locke’s writings were central to the philosophy of the Enlightenment in the eighteenth century and set the terms of reference for modern liberalism. Educated in the arts at Oxford, a friend of Robert Boyle and Isaac Newton, and a close associate of the leading politician the first Earl of Shaftesbury, Locke’s intellectual range was broad. He trained as a physician, dabbled in chemistry and botany and throughout his life kept abreast of developments in natural philosophy. At the same time, he developed theories of natural law and religious toleration, contributed to debates on contemporary economic issues, wrote a primer on the philosophy of education, defended the reasonableness of Christianity and maintained an extensive correspondence and intellectual network. It was not until the publication of the Essay when Locke was in his late 50s, however, that he became a public intellectual. The Essay provides an analysis of the scope and limits of the faculty of human understanding, using a sophisticated theory of ideas. It contains four books, the first of which seeks to refute the view that the mind contains innate metaphysical and moral principles. The second book sets out Locke’s theory of ideas and contains original and penetrating treatments of the nature of the will and motivation and the nature of personal identity. It also contains Locke’s theory of material qualities with his famous distinction between primary and secondary qualities, and discussions of the nature of substance, duration, infinity and the association of ideas. Book Three deals with the nature of language, the theory of essences, and provides an account of the way in which humans divide substances into species. Book Four uses the resources set out in the preceding books to develop a theory of knowledge and belief and to explore the differences between faith and reason. Central to Locke’s project is the view that all knowledge is constructed out of ideas. Knowledge in its most basic form is nothing but the perception of the agreement or disagreement of ideas and ideas can only be acquired through the senses or through introspection on the operations of our minds. Once the understanding is furnished with enough simple ideas from these two sources of experience, it sets about constructing complex ideas, forming propositions out of its various ideas and giving the ideas names. Locke is fundamentally opposed to the view that knowledge and reason begin with a set of basic principles or maxims, such as that the whole is the sum of its parts. This is the motivation for his arguments against the claim that principles are innate. Instead we must construct the principles of all the different sciences from scratch out of our stock of ideas. In the cases of mathematics and morality this can be achieved. In the case of our knowledge of the sorts or species of substances we encounter in the external world, however, we are significantly constrained. This is because our senses are limited and we do not have epistemic access to the inner natures of things. We can see many effects but the underlying causes of those effects, such as magnetism or cohesion, are out of reach. As a result, Locke is pessimistic about the prospects of natural science, though he does believe that the method of experimental philosophy, particularly natural history, gives us the best chance to extend our knowledge of the natural world. Moreover, he believes that of all the speculative systems of natural philosophy, the corpuscular view of matter is the most intelligible. Locke’s political philosophy gives us some insight into his conception of the form that a demonstrative moral philosophy might take. However, the precise relation between the Two Treatises and the Essay remains a controversial issue. The starting point for Locke’s view of the formation of civil society is the natural equality of every human being. We are equal in freedom and equal in both power and obligation with respect to the law of nature. However, in the absence of civil society – that is, in the state of nature – we suffer many inconveniences, particularly with regard to protecting property and applying the law of nature. It is only by consenting to give up our basic power to enforce the law of nature, a power that is common to all, to an authority, that we are able to overcome the inconveniences of the state of nature. In so doing, we secure the integrity of our property, that is, our life, liberty and possessions. The handing over of our basic power does not render us politically impotent however. For, should the government, whether a democracy, oligarchy or monarchy, break the people’s trust, the citizens have a right of resistance and can dissolve the government. Locke’s Two Treatises was published anonymously and did not embroil him in ongoing debate in his own day, though its subsequent influence was profound. The same cannot be said of another anonymous work, his A Letter Concerning Toleration, which argued that religious toleration should be extended to all but atheists and those who submit to foreign authority. The most vigorous reaction to Locke’s writings, however, was to the Essay, particularly to Locke’s account of personal identity as continuity of consciousness and his suggestion that matter fitly disposed might have the power of thought. These two issues are indicative of the rich philosophical resources within the Essay, both in its positive theses and its illustrative material, which have ensured that this work continues to be read and studied with profit today.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (24) ◽  
pp. 10229
Author(s):  
Maria V. Pevnaya ◽  
Anna A. Drozdova ◽  
Mariana Cernicova-Buca

In 2018, the United Nations Volunteers organization recognized that the governmental support for volunteering is a superior public management practice, offering the much-needed fuel for the integration of volunteering in politics, law-making, and social planning at the government level. The present article analyzes the current situation of governmental support for volunteering at federal, regional, and local levels of public administration in the Russian Federation as a precondition for making coproduction of public services possible. The analysis is based on the scrutiny of documents, a questionnaire survey of Russian volunteers, and an expert poll of public servants and nonprofit organizations (NPO) leaders. The analysis of the state policy of support for volunteering is carried out with respect to the following parameters: the awareness and evaluation of national measures of the governmental support for volunteering, as well as the evaluation of informational, financial, consulting, and organizational measures to support volunteer organizations by regional and municipal civil servants. In a country such as the Russian Federation, where volunteering is a relatively young social phenomenon, public administration needs not only to provide support, but also to administer transformation processes toward sustainable development, relying on the partnership and resources volunteers bring for effectively managing public life.


Author(s):  
Vesna Kosmajac ◽  

This paper presents a sociolinguistic analysis of the current linguistic situation in the Russian Federation. Preservation and development of the Russian language represents the national interest of the state. The Russian language has the status of a state language, but, given the large number of ethnic groups living on the territory of Russia, it must not jeopardise other national languages, as this could lead to inter-ethnic conflicts. Some of the key issues Russia is currently facing in this field are: the process of globalisation, the uncontrolled penetration of anglicisms into the Russian language, the adverse impact of the Internet and social networks on literacy, especially with the younger population. All valid rules of the Russian orthography are, in fact, prescribed by the Government of The Russian Federation. Laws regulating the area of language policy are the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the Law on the Languages of the Peoples of the Russian Federation, and the Law on the State Language of the Russian Federation.


Author(s):  
Tatyana V. Troitskaya ◽  

Introduction. Public control is an attribute of a developed civil society in the state. In Russia, the Federal law regulating the procedure for public control was adopted in 2014. This law has established a limited range of subjects of public control in Russia, however, current legislation indicates the actual inclusion of other subjects not stipulated in the law in this mechanism. A citizen of the Russian Federation is not directly listed by the Federal law as a subject of public control, however, the law provides for forms of participation of citizens in the process under consideration. Theoretical analysis. Russia today stands on the path of democratic transformation of all state institutions. The implementation of fundamental constitutional provisions regarding the recognition of human and civil rights and freedoms as the highest value is impossible without the functioning of instruments of public control over the activities of public authorities. Developed democracy presupposes the exercise of public control by the entire multi-level system of civil society institutions, with the citizen at the center. Empirical analysis. The analysis of the content of the Federal law “On fundamentals of public control in the Russian Federation” from the point of view of consolidation of constituent entities of social control and forms of its implementation, allows to conclude that, in fact, the law duplicated the forms of social control and subject composition fixed earlier by the Federal law “On Public chamber of the Russian Federation. The current legislation indicates that the central link in the number of subjects of public control are public chambers and public councils operating in Russia and that there are no legal guarantees of citizen participation in the implementation of public control. Results. The current development of the procedure for implementing public control in Russia implies the need for legislative consolidation of direct forms of participation of citizens of the Russian Federation in this mechanism. Direct forms of such participation can be: appeals to state authorities and local self-government bodies in the form of proposals with wide public awareness via Internet resources; participation of citizens in the electoral process as public observers; participation as a member of the public chamber of any territorial level of the organization; participation as members of public associations and other non-governmental non-profit associations; participation as public inspectors and experts on the initiative of Russian citizens.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agnes Meinhard ◽  
Mary Foster ◽  
Ida Berger

This paper brings together findings from three separate investigations to provide a deeper understanding of the changing roles of the government, for-profit and nonprofit sectors in ensuring civil society. The first study, based on a survey of 645 nonprofit organizations from across Canada, revealed a nonprofit sector changing to meet the challenges of the times, despite a general pessimism among leaders of nonprofit organizations as to their future (Meinhard & Foster, 2003a & b). The second, based on interviews with 20 Government of Ontario officials with links to the nonprofit sector, demonstrated how civil servants struggled to help nonprofit organizations adjust to the new policies and also encouraged them to form partnerships with the for-profit sector (Meinhard & Foster, 2003c). The research reported in this paper, based on interviews with 17 senior officers of Ontario-based corporations active in philanthropy, focuses on the corporations and probes more deeply in to the myriad of ways they are getting involved in their communities as socially responsible corporate citizens.The findings from the corporate interviews are compared and melded with those from previous interviews with government officials and nonprofit organizations to provide a three-dimensional perspective of the direction in which Canadian civil society may be moving. Keywords: CVSS, Centre for Voluntary Sector Studies, Working Paper Series,TRSM, Ted Rogers School of Management Citation:


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
pp. 1-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Horton Smith ◽  
Ting Zhao

Published research in English is reviewed on the Nonprofit Sector (nps) in China since Mao’s death in 1976. A large, diverse, and rapidly growingnpsexists, but openly political Nonprofit Organizations (npos) outside the Communist Party and its control are prohibited. China has civil society in thenarrowersense that a substantial civil society sector ornpsexists. However, the party-state in China continues to play a dominating role in regard to thenps, especially for registerednpos. Freedom of association is still limited in China, especially for national associations, which are nearly all Government Organized Non-Governmental Organizations (gongos), not genuinengos/npos. Genuine associational freedom at lower territorial levels, especially the neighborhood level, is widespread though incomplete, but present far more significantly than under Mao. A 1989 law madenpos legal for the first time after Mao, butonlyif they are registered with the government (Article 7 of 1989 law states that nationalnpos can only be registered with Ministry of Civil Affairs, and localnpos can only be registered with the local Bureau of Civil Affairs).Millions of small, largely unregulated, Unofficial orUnregistered Social Organizations(orusos), as grassroots organizations (grassroots associations/gas) are important evidence for some significant associational freedom at the local level. Technically, all theseusos are illegal under Chinese law, but they have substantial social legitimacy and relative freedom of action nonetheless. Mostnpos, even registerednpos, can freely structure their internal governance, although nearly all the national associations are clearly controlled by the party-state. For the vast majority ofnpos, especially small and usually localusos, membership and levels of individual participation are now essentially voluntary. There is also a surprising range of volunteering, voluntary citizen participation, andorderly activism(restrained advocacy) throughnpos, especially at the local level.All the above facts constitute substantial progress for thenpsandnpos in China since Mao. Thebroaderscope definition of civil society focuses on the general autonomy of thenpsin relation to the government, with functioning civil liberties, and on the ability ofnpos in general to influence significantly the government on various policy issues. In these terms, China has a comparatively weak but perhaps slowly emerging civil society. The party-state in China does not have either full associational freedom and civil liberties nor participatory or strong democracy as current, stated or operative goals. Indeed, the government has an ambivalent attitude and policies toward thenpsandnpos. But such ambivalence is at least a huge improvement over Mao’s totalitarian repression of thenpsandnpos.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 81-103
Author(s):  
A. Avtonomov ◽  
V. Grib

The article is a comparative study of legal regulation on non-profits in the Russian Federation by federal law, including the Constitution, federal statutes, decrees of the President of the Russian Federation, resolutions of the Government and Constitutional Court rulings in connection with certain international legal acts dealing with the right to association, and by the law of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. The main stages of the development of the law on non-profits both at the federal level and at the level of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, as well as the main trends in the development of non-profit law in modern Russia, are explored.


Author(s):  
A. N. Khomyakov ◽  
V. A. Aliev ◽  
O. A. Moskvitin ◽  
I. P. Bochinin

The legislation on the contract system allows in certain cases to make purchases from a sole supplier without using competitive procedures. One of the cases is the production of goods, performance of works, rendering of services performed by an institution or enterprise of the penal enforcement system in accordance with the list of goods, works, and services approved by the Government of the Russian Federation. The practice shows that in some cases, customers and (or) suppliers may unreasonably use the opportunity provided by the legislation, formally concluding a state (municipal) contract with an institution or enterprise of the penal system, bypassing competitive procedures, when actually a third-party business entity is engaged in the execution of the contract. The authors note that such situations actually constitute a circumvention of the competitive procedures for selecting a supplier provided for by law, and contradicts the principles and ideas of regulation laid down in the Law “On the contract system”.


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