Adolescent Civic Engagement in Contemporary Political and Technological Realities

Author(s):  
Colette Daiute

Civic engagement interacts with civic structures and communication media, so adolescent civic engagement research must also interact with such political and technological realities. Since the turn of the twenty-first century, civic entities, such as nation states, municipalities, and organizations, have changed rapidly and sometimes violently, indicating that civic engagement research could usefully ask, How have the concept of civic engagement and related research with adolescents kept up with contemporary civic life and public media? Toward that end, this chapter reviews recent international adolescent civic engagement research with a focus on context-sensitive transformations. The chapter summarizes definitions, contexts, methods, and findings of adolescent civic engagement research, pointing toward the ongoing need for this research field to become open to contemporary realities, such as adolescents’ attempts to deal with disrupted and uncivil spaces, including war zones and refugee life spaces.

Author(s):  
Timothy Doyle ◽  
Dennis Rumley

In the twenty-first century, the Indo-Pacific region has become the new centre of the world. The concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’’, though still under construction, is a potentially pivotal site, where various institutions and intellectuals of statecraft are seeking common ground on which to anchor new regional coalitions, alliances, and allies to better serve their respective national agendas. This book explores the Indo-Pacific as an ambiguous and hotly contested regional security construction. It critically examines the major drivers behind the revival of classical geopolitical concepts and their deployment through different national lenses. The book also analyses the presence of India and the US in the Indo-Pacific, and the manner in which China has reacted to their positions in the Indo-Pacific to date. It suggests that national constructions of the Indo-Pacific region are more informed by domestic political realities, anti-Chinese bigotries, distinctive properties of twenty-first century US hegemony, and narrow nation-statist sentiments rather than genuine pan-regional aspirations. The book argues that the spouting of contested depictions of the Indo-Pacific region depend on the fixed geostrategic lenses of nation-states, but what is also important is the re-emergence of older ideas—a classical conceptual revival—based on early to mid-twentieth century geopolitical ideas in many of these countries. The book deliberately raises the issue of the sea and constructions of ‘nature’, as these symbols are indispensable parts of many of these Indo-Pacific regional narratives.


Author(s):  
Graham Butler

Not long after the establishment of supranational institutions in the aftermath of the Second World War, the early incarnations of the European Union (EU) began conducting diplomacy. Today, EU Delegations (EUDs) exist throughout the world, operating similar to full-scale diplomatic missions. The Treaty of Lisbon established the legal underpinnings for the European External Action Service (EEAS) as the diplomatic arm of the EU. Yet within the international legal framework, EUDs remain second-class to the missions of nation States. The EU thus has to use alternative legal means to form diplomatic missions. This chapter explores the legal framework of EU diplomatic relations, but also asks whether traditional missions to which the VCDR regime applies, can still be said to serve the needs of diplomacy in the twenty-first century, when States are no longer the ultimate holders of sovereignty, or the only actors in international relations.


Hypatia ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 715-730 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sunera Thobani

In the volatile conflicts that inaugurated the twenty‐first century, secularism, democracy, and freedom were identified by Western nation‐states as symbolizing their civilizational values, in contrast to the fanaticism, misogyny, and homophobia they attributed to “Islam.” The figure of the Muslim was thus transformed into an existential threat. This paper analyzes an exchange among scholars—Is Critique Secular? Blasphemy, Injury, and Free Speech—that engages these highly contested issues. As such, the text provides a rare opportunity to study how particular significations of the West, its epistemological tradition, and its relation with Islam are contested and negotiated in a critically engaged site during a moment of global crisis. My reading of the text leads me to argue that the stabilization of the epistemic power of the West is presently reliant on a new iteration of its foundational philosophical concepts to suppress counter‐hegemonic narratives that foreground its forms of violence. Further, the terrain for this reshaping of the dominance of this tradition is gender/sexuality, such that queer politics are located at the forefront of the Western politico‐philosophical project. As such, the advancement of this tradition is co‐constitutive with that of the gendered‐sexual subject as emblematic of its highest civilizational values.


Author(s):  
E. G. Ponomareva

The processes of globalization have determined significant changes in the prerogatives of nation states. In the twenty-first century the state no longer acts as a sole subject having a monopoly of integrating the interests of large social communities and representing them on the world stage. An ever increasing role in the global political process is played by transnational and supranational participants. However, despite the uncertainty and ambiguity of the ways of the development of the modern world, it can be argued that in the foreseeable future it is the states that will maintain the role of the main actors in world politics and bear the responsibility for global security and development. All this naturally makes urgent the issues related to the search for optimal models of nation state development. The article analyzes approaches to understanding patterns, problems and prospects of the development of this institution existing in modern political science. These include the concept of "dimensionality" based on the parameters of scale (the size of the territory) of the states and their functions in the international systems, as well as the "political order". In the latter case the paper analyzes four models: the nation-state, statenation, consociation, quasi-state. The author's position consists in the substantiation of the close dependence of the success of a model of the state on its inner nature, i.e. statehood. On the basis of the elaborated approach the author understands statehood as "the result of historical, economic, political and foreign policy activity of a particular society in order to create a relatively rigid political framework that provides spatial, institutional and functional unity, that is, the condition of the society’s own state, national political system." Thus statehood acts as a qualitative feature of the state.


2002 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Youniss ◽  
Susan Bales ◽  
Verona Christmas-Best ◽  
Marcelo Diversi ◽  
Milbrey McLaughlin ◽  
...  

2022 ◽  
pp. 1125-1141
Author(s):  
Casey Holmes ◽  
Meghan McGlinn Manfra

The purpose of the social studies is to prepare students for life as citizens in a democratic society, and this requires attention to the variety of digital spaces inhabited by our K-12 students in today's increasingly digitized world. Incorporating participatory technologies into structured inquiries in the social studies may help develop students' skills and abilities in critically sourcing, evaluating, sharing, and creating media, and provides the opportunity for increasingly democratic participation and civic engagement both in and out of the school setting. In this chapter, the authors suggest the integration of participatory literacy with the College, Career, and Civic Life (C3) framework as a means of supporting students in taking informed action.


2020 ◽  
pp. 142-163
Author(s):  
Robert I. Rotberg

Solving Africa’s central concerns of the mid-twenty-first century—how to grow economically as its population surges and how to create more and more jobs for its burgeoning labor force—relies on China. Likewise, enabling Africa to improve its human security and human welfare in most of its component nations depends on China. Third, strengthening Africa’s infrastructural architecture depends mostly on China. Without steady domestic Chinese economic growth and the behemoth’s consequent continued need for primary resources derived from Africa, however, prospects for many of the latter continent’s nation-states are, at best, problematic. Chinese demand drives African prosperity, raises world prices for primary products, and has made it possible for a number of the polities of Africa to accumulate wealth, to uplift their peoples, and to begin to play larger roles on the world’s stage. In this decade, and later, Africa and China are bound together synergistically in ways that cannot readily be replaced by trade, aid, or attention from the United States, India, Russia, Brazil, or Europe.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-48
Author(s):  
Magret Jongore ◽  
Chipo Chirimuuta

The twenty-first century problem is of “Othering.” In a world beset by challenges, global, national, and regional conflict wrapped within or organized around group-based difference. The concept of “Othering” is used for social media platforms as the cause of many, if not all of the stresses of globalization, and the “collision of cultures.” This article discusses the advantages and disadvantages of social media in the wake of political othering on the Zimbabwean political landscape. More so, political othering is viewed as exacerbated by the various manipulations of different social media platforms. The article uses critical discourse analysis to unravel the unequal power relations inherent in social media platforms as both users and receivers of the peddled messages. Much as public media platforms are known to propagate a certain kind of mediated reality aimed at agenda setting and ideological persuasion in the presumed receivers. Social media platforms are used to negatively propagate rivalry, especially among political opponents.


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