Introduction

Author(s):  
Tamara Kay ◽  
R. L. Evans

This chapter situates the book’s hook in the backlash against globalization in 2016 and suggests that understanding it requires examining a free trade agreement, NAFTA, negotiated in the early 1990s. It lays out the book’s argument about how contentious trade politics and policies emerged and developed during NAFTA’s negotiation, and how they continued to affect subsequent trade battles, reinforcing resentment among anti-trade activists, including many working class voters. It also examines the relationship between state institutions and democratic practices as it relates to NAFTA and more generally to other policies. The chapter then gives a brief history of NAFTA, and moves into a discussion of the methods, and its contribution to the extant literature.

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Hurl ◽  
Benjamin Christensen

The implementation of the Canada-US Free Trade Agreement (CUSFTA) in January 1989 marked a decisive moment in the rise of neoliberalism as a political project in Canada. While the left, and socialist political economists in particular, played a central role in galvanizing the agreement and contributed in no small part to the demise of the Conservative government in 1993, the free trade agenda continued to move forward through the 1990s. This Special Issue revisits the history of struggles against free trade in Canada with two aims in mind: first to remember the coalitions through which opposition was organized, the mobilization of socialist critiques by activists and intellectuals, and the key events leading up to the adoption of the agreement. Second, drawing from this history to make sense of how things have changed over the past 30 years, as right-wing nationalists have increasingly taken the lead in opposing free trade, while neoliberals have sought to rebrand their project as ‘progressive’.  How can those on the left effectively confront the project of free trade today while at the same time challenging both far-right nationalism and neoliberal globalization?


2004 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 381
Author(s):  
Ken Harvey

Re: ?Patents, pills and politics: the Australia? United States Free Trade Agreement and the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme?, by Ken Harvey, (Aust Health Rev 2004, vol. 28, no. 2, pp. 218-226). Under the heading ?A brief history of patent law relevant to pharmaceuticals?, in the second paragraph, the second sentence was: ?Before TRIPS, many developing countries provided no patent protection on pharmaceutical products, or they recognised patents on products but not process?. The corrected version should be ?. . .process but not products?.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (10) ◽  
pp. 3436 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hexian Wang ◽  
Wei Liu ◽  
Mengyuan Zhu ◽  
Qing Wang

This paper investigates the international trade role in economic development and sustainability. Specifically, a trade agreement is one of the most popular ways for a country to participate in trade, therefore we aim to estimate the relationship between a free trade agreement (FTA) and economic development on a country level, using the North American Free Trade Agreement as an example. Sustainability on an industrial level is also discussed in parallel. To achieve this, a counterfactual analysis is used to generate the welfare with and without the trade agreement to draw inference on the sustainability analysis. We find that the FTA does facilitate a country’s sustainability. However, it is less clear on an industrial level. This finding provides important evidence relating to a country’s sustainable development and has broadened the study scope regarding the impact of participating in an FTA with regard to economic sustainability.


Author(s):  
Ivan Bernier

SummaryThe debate that has emerged during the Canada/U.S. free trade negotiations regarding the fate of Canada's cultural industries and cultural identity has been blurred by the use of loose language and simply has not yielded a clear image of what was at stake. This article, in its first part, looks at the various arguments put forward during the negotiations by representatives of the cultural industries and considers the respective positions of the American and Canadian governments on the subject. The second part analyses the actual content of the free trade agreement between Canada and the United States signed in January 1988 in so far as it relates to cultural industries. The conclusion suggests that the ambiguity that has characterized the discussions on culture during the negotiations and has found its way into the content of the agreement itself may be due to a blurred vision of the relationship between cultural industries and cultural identity, and more fundamentally to a lack of understanding of the relationship between culture and commerce.


2004 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken Harvey

There is tension between the need of the pharmaceutical innovator for intellectual property protection and the need of society for equitable and affordable access to innovative drugs. The recent Australia?United States Free Trade Agreement provides a nice illustration of this interplay between patents, pills and politics. This article provides a brief history of patent law as applied to pharmaceuticals, describes how the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme got caught up in AUSFTA negotiations, analyses the clauses that are likely to impact upon the PBS and describes the political process that reviewed and ultimately amended the AUSFTA.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Christos Kourtelis

Abstract In 2004, Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, and Jordan signed the Agadir Agreement (AA), a free trade agreement with intention of encouraging closer cooperation in trade. The AA came into force in 2007 and relies on the EU's rules of origin. Contrary to existing explanations, which suggest that the little impact of the AA on intraregional trade is a result of the local political elites in the agreement and of weak state institutions, this article amends the concept of isomorphic mimicry to shed some light on the ineffectiveness of the AA. It claims that instead of acting as a vehicle for regional integration, the AA generated two capability traps: premature load bearing and the reproduction of the structural weaknesses of Arab Mediterranean economies. As a result, the AA does not act as an instrument of intraregional cooperation and inclusive growth.


1990 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 70-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan M. Rugman ◽  
Andrew Anderson

The food processing industry is Canada's second-largest manufacturing industry. It employed 226,579 people in 1986, and shipments were valued at CDN $47 billion, or 15 percent of the value of total manufactured output that year. More significantly, the food and beverage industries together ranked highest among all manufacturing industries in terms of value added, at CDN $15 billion or approximately 14 percent of total value added in Canadian manufacturing industries in 1986 (Statistics Canada). Given the high degree of competition in this industry in the United States, the history of “comfortable” competition in the food industry in Canada, and the significant contribution of this industry to the Canadian economy, it becomes important to look more carefully at how this industry has been and will be affected by the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (FTA).


Author(s):  
Neslihan Koç

Turkey, because of its responsibilities derived from Custom Union with European Union, makes limited Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) with those states which have already signed such agreements with EU. As yet Turkey has signed FTAs with 19 countries including Macedonia. It's expected from FTA's that raise awareness of partner countries about each other’s economic and commercial potentials. In this study a general overview will be made to emphasize the relationship between FTAs which Turkey has signed with other countries and increase in Turkey’s trade volume in the same period. Subsequently, with regarding the FTA and commercial relations with Macedonia, an assessment will be made by using the lists of countries imports and exports, based on Republic of Turkey Ministry of Economy statistics for the period of 2001-2012.


2010 ◽  
pp. 29-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pascale Dufour ◽  
Janet Conway

The Quebec Social Forum (QSF) took place 23-26 August 2007 in Montreal. It attracted about 5000 people from across Quebec. Both organizers and observers viewed the event as an unqualified success. In this article, we seek to describe and document this historic gathering and to understand it in its Quebec context, against the larger organizing process which produced it. We also situate the Social Forum, both as event and process, within the longer history of social mobilization in Quebec. Historicizing the Social Forum in this way helps us interpret its cleavages and conflicts more adequately and apprehend its larger significance. We argue that the conflicts that have plagued the organizing of the Quebec Social Forum are a reprise of those that appeared in the movement in the late 1990s and came to a head in the 2001 massive demonstrations against the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas in Quebec City. The chasm then was widely perceived as one over tactics but we argue, then and now, it is more substantive than that. It is about the clash of profoundly different ethics, practices and theories of democracy and, beneath them, different horizons of hope and visions of transformation. The organizing of the Social Forum is the occasion for this debate, which may say something about the significance of the Social Forum more generally and the challenge it poses to established cultures and practices of politics on the left. The cleavage is generational but not only or simply. It signals a struggle and transition but the outcomes are not yet clear and are certainly not pre-ordained.


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