Injustice in Black and White

2020 ◽  
pp. 75-97
Author(s):  
Hannah L. Walker
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
Negatively Associated ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Depth Interviews

Chapter 4 examines the divergent narratives leveraged by White and Black Americans to make sense of their carceral experiences. In-depth interviews suggest that Whites arrive at a sense of injustice through the lens of class, whereas Blacks centralize race, layered with classed undertones. Data from the Harvard-Kaiser Foundation African American Men’s Survey (AAMS 2006) supports this perspective. Yet, when they view their experiences through the lens of injustice, both groups translate their systemic analyses into political action. Findings from the NCPS suggest that the mobilizing effect is most pronounced among those with proximal contact and is particularly important for the participation of Black Americans, since among this group absent injustice proximal contact is negatively associated with participation.

Beyond Black and White: Transforming African-American Politics, Manning Marable, Second Edition, London: Verso, 2009

2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-221
Author(s):  
Paul M. Heideman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African American ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Racial Inequality ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
Black Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
African American Politics ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Transformative Politics

AbstractThe new edition of Manning Marable’sBeyond Black and Whiteseeks to explain the course of black politics in the United States over the last thirty years. Marable argues that this history shows the failure of liberal and nationalist politics to address the problems facing black Americans. Though Marable attempts to chart a course beyond these ideologies, his alternative of ‘transformative politics’, shorn of the revolutionary Marxism that defined his earlier writings, is no more capable of confronting racial inequality than the strategies it seeks to replace.

Mobilized by Injustice

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hannah L. Walker
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
The United States ◽  
Personal Contact ◽  
Racial Boundaries ◽  
Material Resources ◽  
Depth Interviews

Springing from decades of abuse by law enforcement and an excessive criminal justice system, members of over-policed communities lead the current movement for civil rights in the United States. Activated by injustice, individuals protested police brutality in Ferguson, campaigned to end stop-and-frisk in New York City, and advocated for restorative justice in Washington, D.C. Yet, scholars focused on the negative impact of punitive policy on material resources, and trust in government did not predict these pockets of resistance, arguing instead that marginalizing and demeaning policy teaches individuals to acquiesce and withdraw. Mobilized by Injustice excavates conditions under which, despite otherwise negative outcomes, negative criminal justice experiences catalyze political action. This book argues that when understood as resulting from a system that targets people based on race, class, or other group identifiers, contact can politically mobilize. Negative experiences with democratic institutions predicated on equality under the law, when connected to a larger, group-based struggle, can provoke action from anger. Evidence from several surveys and in-depth interviews reveals that mobilization as result of negative criminal justice experiences is broad, crosses racial boundaries, and extends to the loved ones of custodial citizens. When over half of Blacks and Latinos and a plurality of Whites know someone with personal contact, the mobilizing effect of a sense of injustice promises to have important consequences for American politics.

scholarly journals Unraveling the Effects of Social Class and Systemic Racism on Advance Care Planning

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 472-472
Author(s):  
Jenny McDonnell
Keyword(s):  
End Of Life ◽  
Advance Care Planning ◽  
End Of Life Care ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
Low Ses ◽  
Care Planning ◽  
Life Care ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Advance Care ◽  
Using Data

Abstract While advance care planning (ACP) is recognized as a key facilitator of high-quality, goal-concordant end-of-life care, black Americans are less likely to participate in ACP than non-Hispanic whites (Carr 2011; Detering et al. 2010). There are divided explanations for why these disparities persist. Some scholars attribute racial disparities in end-of-life care to socioeconomic (SES) differences between black and white Americans citing blacks’ and whites’ differentiated access to, control over, and use of material resources (Wilson 1978; Yearby 2011). Others assert that health care preferences do not solely reflect lack of resources or health literacy, but that the larger social context frames care preferences differently across racial and ethnic groups in American society (Alegria et al. 2011; Sewell and Pingel forthcoming). By turning the analytical lens to class-privileged black Americans, I investigate whether racism overflows the margins of class disadvantage. Using data from the Health and Retirement Study, I ran logistic regression and moderation models. I found that class-privileged blacks are less likely to engage in ACP than both high-SES and low-SES whites. The interaction of race and SES was negatively and significantly associated with ACP (OR=0.91; P<0.05), indicating that SES has a stronger effect on the probability of ACP among whites than among blacks. Predicted probabilities show that 51% of low-SES whites are likely to engage in ACP compared to 32% of high-SES blacks. These findings indicate that racialized disparities in ACP exist independent of SES, and that the effects of SES and race are intersectional rather than simply additive.

scholarly journals More Than a Passive Interest

2014 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 417-443
Author(s):  
NIALL PALMER
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
Presidential Leadership ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Black Voters

The defeat of the Dyer anti-lynching bill in 1922 was a turning point in relations between black Americans and the Republican Party. Little is understood, however, about the role played in the debates by President Warren Harding. This article contends that Harding's conflicted views on presidential leadership caused him to badly mishandle the bill. The President's inability to choose between a restrained and consensual “Whig” approach and a more active “stewardship” role on a wide range of issues resulted in an erratic and ultimately unsustainable style of leadership. The Dyer bill's failure was affected by this dilemma as the hopes of black and white reformers were alternately raised and dashed by Harding's apparent indecisiveness. Black resentment at the bill's ultimate defeat was thus heightened still further, with severe consequences for the Republican Party's long-term electoral relationship with black voters.

Abstract 4428: Similar Response to Spironolactone in Whites and African American Patients with Resistant Hypertension

Circulation ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 118 (suppl_18) ◽  
Author(s):  
Saima Husain ◽  
Mari K Nishizaka ◽  
Eduardo Pimenta ◽  
Krishna K Gaddam ◽  
Suzanne Oparil ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Racial Differences ◽  
Resistant Hypertension ◽  
Plasma Renin ◽  
Channel Blockers ◽  
Similar Response ◽  
Antihypertensive Medications ◽  
Plasma Aldosterone Concentration ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Drug Of Choice

Primary aldosteronism (PA) is a common cause of resistant hypertension with a prevalence of approximately 20%. Spironolactone is the drug of choice for the medical management of patients with PA. Blacks have been reported to have low-renin HTN and respond better to diuretics and calcium channel blockers. Racial differences in response to spironolactone in patients with resistant hypertension have not been previously described. Consecutive subjects referred to the University of Alabama at Birmingham hypertension clinic for resistant hypertension had been evaluated with a plasma aldosterone concentration (PAC), plasma renin activity (PRA), and a 24-hr urine collection for aldosterone, sodium, and potassium during the patient’s usual diet. The BP response to spironolactone was compared retrospectively in patients. For clinical reasons, subjects had been treated with a median dose of 25 mg of spironolactone and the BP response at 6 weeks, 3 and 6 months was compared retrospectively. A total of 117 patients with resistant hypertension were included in the analysis, including 59 white and 58 black subjects. Both groups had a similar number of antihypertensive medications at baseline. PAC, PRA, U-aldo and serum potassium levels were also similar. BP reduction at 6-weeks, 3- and 6-months after treatment with spironolactone was similar in black and white subjects. At 3 months, the mean reduction in systolic BP was −19.5±19.0 and −23.2±20.0 for blacks and whites, respectively (p= 0.321). These data indicate that African American and white subjects with resistant hypertension respond equally well to spironolactone.

“They Always Get the Best of You Somehow”: Preston Sturges in Black and White

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Krin Gabbard
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Black People ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Ethnic Stereotypes ◽  
Black And White

There is no question that the films of Preston Sturges present racist stereotypes. But we must remember the profound racism in America when Sturges was working. There is even evidence that Sturges respected his African American actors, making sure that they were treated as professionals. Several blacks even became members of his repertory company, working alongside a group of actors who often embodied a range of ethnic stereotypes. And in many of his films, Sturges’s blacks actually express a wry suspicion of white Americans, thus advancing the satiric projects of his films. Rather than concentrate on Sturges’s habit of presenting racist images of black people, we should be attentive to what his African American characters actually say and do.

Eddie Anderson, Rochester, and Race in 1930s Radio and Film

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn H. Fuller-Seeley
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Race Relations ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
Black Press ◽  
Full Time ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Box Office ◽  
Jim Crow Era ◽  
Time Part

African-American dancer, singer, comedian Eddie Anderson pursued an entertainment career in California, his opportunities limited by Jim Crow-era racism in Hollywood but also shaped opportunities in night clubs and cabarets that catered to both black and white patrons. Winning an audition for a one-time role on Benny’s radio show, Anderson’s inimitable gravelly voice spurred Benny to create a full time part, the character of Rochester Van Jones, Jack’s butler and valet, in late 1937. Although initially hampered by stereotyped minstrel-show dialogue and character habits, Rochester soon became renowned by both white and black listeners for his ability to criticize the “Boss” in impertinent manner. Virtually co-starred in three films with Benny that were highly successful at the box office, commenters in the black press in 1940 hoped that Rochester offered “a new day” in improved race relations.

Introduction

Gone Home ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Karida L. Brown
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Collective Memory ◽  
Mass Movement ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
Great Migration ◽  
Third Generation ◽  
Local Authorities ◽  
Federal Laws ◽  
State And Local

Every mass movement can be traced through the particular conditions under which the migrant self is formed and transformed. This introduction outlines the struggle of black Americans once slavery was outlawed by asking a key question: were they subjects or citizens? Though federal laws gave the now former slaves all the rights of citizens, state and local authorities allowed and enforced segregationist policies. These, in conjunction with various economic pressures, culminated in the African American Great Migration of 1910-1970. Brown, who positions herself as a third-generation descendent of a black Kentucky population that took part in this migration, claims that the collective memory of Appalachian blacks that undertook this stepwise migration deserves more attention.

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