Iran’s Second Revolution; A Millennial Challenge to the House of Saud

Author(s):  
Dilip Hiro

Having overthrown the pro-Washington Shah, Khomeini set out to purge the Iranian state and society of American influence. He was aided by the surprise occupation of the United States Embassy in Tehran in November 1979 by militant students. The capture of secret CIA reports on the Middle East by the Iranian occupiers gave credibility to the regime’s description of the Embassy as a “nest of spies,” and created a rationale for taking 52 US diplomats as hostage. The crisis lasted 444 days and ended with Ronald Reagan’s inauguration as president in January 1981 after his defeat of the incumbent Jimmy Carter, a Democrat. Quite independently, Saudi King Khalid faced an unprecedented challenge to the legitimacy of the House of Saud when on the eve of .the Islamic New Year of 1400 – 20 November 1979 – hundreds of armed militant Wahhabis, led by Juheiman al Utaiba seized the Grand Mosque in Mecca. Utaiba called for the overthrow of the royal family for deviating from Wahhabism. Aided by the American and French intelligence agencies and Pakistani soldiers, the government regained control of the Grand Mosque. It then took remedial action by imposing strict Wahhabi rules on the social-cultural life of citizens.

2002 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 56-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olav Njølstad

From the late 1940s on, the United States did its best to prevent the Italian Communist Party (PCI)from gaining a role in the Italian government. When Jimmy Carter took office in Washington in 1977, the PCI once again was maneuvering for a share of power in Rome. Some observers in Italy speculated that the new U.S. administration would be less averse than its predecessors had been to the prospect of Communist participation in the Italian government. The Carter administration's initial statements and actions created further ambiguity and may have emboldened some senior PCI officials to step up their efforts to gain at least a share of power. Faced with the prospect that Communists would be invited into a coalition government in Italy, the Carter administration dropped its earlier caution and spoke out unequivocally against a “historic compromise” involving the PCI. Although it is difficult to say whether the more forceful U.S. stance made a decisive difference, the ruling Christian Democrats in Italy were able to keep the Communist Party out of the government.


Author(s):  
Towhidur Rahman ◽  
Mahmuda Kulsum Moni ◽  
Md. Samaun Khalid3 ◽  
Farhana Begum ◽  
TamannaTabassum Khan ◽  
...  

Dowry is a despicable affliction in society. The social evil has become a barrier for women in everysphere of life. The culture of dowry can be found not only in sub-continent but also in Europe, China,The United States, and also in African countries. A Dowry means the transfer of property by the brideor her family to the groom as an arrangement of marriage. When a bride or her family pays money orany other movable or immovable property, it is called dowry, which is also known as the bride pricein the sub-continent. Though the dowry is most common in the rural area, it cannot be said that it isabsent in cities. Instead, it is used as a disguise of gifts in women's marriage where the parents of themarriageable woman are bound to give dowry as a gift to the groom. This anathematization of dowryis increasing day by day in society. Social problems like child marriage, physical and mental abuse tothe women, divorce and even killing of women are the consequences of dowry. The government ofBangladesh has taken significant steps to eradicate this practice. The punishment for dowry-relatedcrimes is severe, which has been amalgamated in the Dowry Prohibition Act, 1980. The mostimportant step is to create consciousness among people, especially in the rural areas, to stop thepractice of dowry from the society. This study will help the practice and people of the society to goforward to abate the dowry practice.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 188-194
Author(s):  
Pavel Nikolaevich Mukhataev

This paper presents an attempt to analyze the interrelation between American domestic policy and the Social Darwinist ideology at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. Soviet and Russian historiography presents a deep analysis of socio-economic and political processes in that period in terms of criticism of liberal ideology and market economics. Significant social stratification was explained by insufficiently developed socially directed normative base, illegal interaction between representatives of large business and politicians, the purpose of which was personal enrichment, etc. In general, the economic and political system of the United States in the late XIX - early XX centuries was criticized from Russian scientists. In Soviet literature the conclusion was made about the insolvency of bourgeois ideology, with elements of criticism of Social Darwinism as a minor component of this ideology. American historiography considers the subject of our study more wholly. Foreign historiography, basically, analyzes the connection of American domestic policy with the activities of financial magnates, who were becoming a new serious power in American politics. This paper attempts to explain the connection between the American domestic policy and the Social Darwinist discourse, which was an undoubted part of the intellectual and daily life of citizens in that historical period. The author points to the significant influence of the Social Darwinist ideology in the adoption of key inner-political decisions by the government of the United States.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-135
Author(s):  
Kseniya A. Vikhrova

The metanarrative of the “American Dream” has a comprehensive impact on the social, political and cultural life of the United States, it attracts unflagging attention of researchers and it is interpreted in a significant number of works of art. This article analyses the functioning of the religious and mystical experience as a factor in achieving the “American Dream” “American Dream” in the tale “The King's Indian” (1974) by John Champlin Gardner Jr. (1933-1982), and it also attempts to determine the mechanism for the embodiment of the national utopian project in this work of fiction. The analysis examines the constituent elements of the project in synchronic and diachronic projections, it highlights the levels of the project actualisation in the work, it analyses how the characters try to implement it in relation to their worldview and individual existential plans; thus, successful and unsuccessful models of the achieving the “American Dream” are found. As a result, it is proved that the failure is due to the lack of religious mysticism. The failure leads to the destruction of the character's existential plan, built in accordance with the utopian project, and to its possible subsequent reconstruction. The successful realisation of the “American Dream” is possible only when the character follows “self-reliance" and trusts the transcendental forces. “The King's Indian” also reflects the philosophical and aesthetic program of “moral literature”, later formulated by Gardner in the essay of the same name.


2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-122
Author(s):  
Galina Zelenina ◽  

The paper discusses a number of the most remarkable responses to the COVID‑19 pandemic and to the social isolation measures coming from several, mostly ultra‑Orthodox, Jewish communities in Israel, the United States, and Russia. It examines major elements of the crisis discourse, i.e., the hermeneutics of the causes and meanings of the pandemic; the affirmation of group borders and hierarchies as a result of the search for culprits; the relations between the religious community and the state; as well as the possible transformations of social behavior and ritual practices resulting from the crisis.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 548-563
Author(s):  
Florian Vanlee ◽  
Sofie Van Bauwel ◽  
Frederik Dhaenens

This article troubles the intuitive link between emancipatory portrayals of sexual and gender diversity and ‘quality television’ by focusing on three Flemish ‘prestige’ dramas: Met Man en Macht (VIER, 2013), Bevergem (Canvas, 2015) and Den Elfde Van Den Elfde (één, 2016). Contrary to the United States, Flemish quality television portrays fewer LGBTQ+ characters and narratives than less ‘prestigious’ content. Approached from a Bourdieusian perspective, the cases discussed show that when LGBTQ+ characters are featured in prestigious domestic fiction content, they function as distinctive queers. This article argues that, whereas LGBTQ+ characters in US quality television affirm the socio-cultural disposition of the target audience, Flemish prestige television fiction delegitimizes that of the group from which the imagined audience distinguishes itself. Distinctive queers circulate in a larger cultural repertoire associated with Flemish prestige television fiction, recasting markers of ordinary Flemishness found in domestic content. This repertoire is organized around the motif of the parish, and discursively separates Flanders into two distinct temporal configurations: one decidedly pre-modern and inferior, the other expressively modern and superior. A synecdoche for ‘common Flanders’, the parish constructs the majority of Flemings as culturally coarse, backwards and innately unable to be legitimately modern. As the analysis shows, distinctive queers accentuate the social deficit of mundane communities, and textually perform the distinction of fashionable, socially liberal urban-minded Flemings. In consonance with the hyperbolic representations that recast ‘ordinary Flemish cultural life’ as grotesque and ridiculous, distinctive queers frame LGBTQ+ inclusivity as the prerogative of conspicuously absent urban, socio-culturally progressive Flemings.


Author(s):  
Chris Naticchia

This chapter will examine the extent (if any) to which sovereign power and executive authority may be justifiably exercised through secret laws. Generally speaking, social contract views reject such secrecy—insisting instead that laws must be public. In opposition to this apparent view of the social contract tradition, we have recent developments in the United States. These developments go beyond mere government attempts to classify information or to bar disclosure of intelligence-gathering methods or capabilities. They also include maintaining secrecy in the law through which the government exercises the authority it claims. For example, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court issues classified rulings, creating a body of secret law that determines, by implication, which surveillance activities are consistent, and which inconsistent, with the Fourth Amendment’s protection against unreasonable searches without a particularized warrant based on probable cause. This chapter will argue that the social contract tradition itself may contain resources for defending these sorts of actions. It will explore whether paternalistic principles, whose scope is determined through contractarian reasoning, might be able to account for some government secrecy that extends beyond classifying information and protecting intelligence methods and capabilities to maintaining secrecy in some governing laws themselves. The question would be whether such limited paternalism—limited to cases involving “infirmities” of our reason or will—may be justifiably expanded to cover cases where those infirmities are absent, but where typical citizens may simply be “squeamish” about the judgments that certain executive decisions require.


Urban History ◽  
1986 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 75-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Bales

The place of Charles Booth's London poverty survey within an empirical tradition of sociology has been much discussed in recent years. The pivotal position which Booth had in this tradition was highlighted by Philip Abrams especially. Booth's achievement, it has been claimed, was to illuminate the structural underpinnings of poverty rather than just its extent. In doing so he not only challenged the assumptions of political economy but brought new life to the tradition of house-to-house surveys and case-studies as practised by those involved in the statistical movement of the nineteenth century in Britain. Booth sought answers to narrowly denned social problems, seeking to generate new and superior data capable of bearing the questions. His was the habit of ‘ad hoc compartmentalised research’, from which one main line of development was the government enquiries of the Webb era and beyond. Another line of descent can be traced in the social survey movement centred in the United States, and through this Booth's influence spread to the Chicago school of urban sociologists. Despite this wideranging influence those who followed Booth's lead studied his own descriptions of his findings and methods, and rarely, if ever, looked behind the published volumes to the varied materials generated by the large-scale research project he masterminded. These materials represent a rich and varied source of data which have so far been relatively little used by historians, and then mainly in a minor illustrative way.


Author(s):  
A. El’yanov

The author deals with the lessons of the period of the so-called catch-up development in the United States of America (XVIII – the beginning of XX century). The overall thrust of the social and economic progress of this relatively young nation was then determined by the aspiration to adopt technological, organizational and managerial achievements of more advanced economies of the Old World. The author stresses that without resorting to this period of the American history it is difficult to understand the reasons for the extraordinary economic and social take-off of the USA. The author examines the origins of the industrial recovery, the role of the government and the main directions of development policies at that stage. A conclusion is made that the United States succeeded in prudently managing the nation’s resources and the available incomes. By ensuring favorable conditions for life and business procedures the government greatly facilitated the creative forces and rapid economic progress.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (11) ◽  
pp. 24-30
Author(s):  
I. Shumilina

In the early months of Joe Biden’s administration in the White House, Middle East issues were not identified as a priority of its foreign policy. Individual steps in this direction, however, suggest that the administration will adhere to the principal lines of conduct for the United States towards American partners and allies (Israel, the Arab monarchies of the Gulf and others), as well as towards the main conflict nodes in the region (Syria, Libya, Yemen). At the same time, it is also obvious that its tactical emphasis has shifted in its approach to a number of the most important problems of the region – in particular, the Palestinian-Israeli standoff (namely, restoration of relations with the government of Mahmoud Abbas) and the situation around Iran (return to the renewed nuclear deal – JCPOA) and Turkey (overcoming the cooling of relations with Ankara). Apparently, we can talk about Biden’s revival of the Middle East policy pursued under Barack Obama’s administration. This process is largely due to the domestic political calculations of the Biden team and the Democratic Party as a whole. The author of the article tries to assess the influence of American immigrant’s communities from the Arab countries and Turkey on Joe Biden’s Middle East policy.


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