Looking on the Bright Side

Author(s):  
Peter Hall

Responding is always an invidious business: unless you are in total empathy and sympathy with the viewpoint of the author, you run the risk of appearing simply churlish and grumpy. Of course, unless you believe, like the postmodernists, that there is no such thing as an objective statement, it is always possible to have arguments about the empirical truth, or otherwise, of what someone has written. But many pieces of writing are not like that: they represent what could be called a moral ordering of the world, with which you can agree or disagree according to your own such notions. And that is certainly true of the six lectures in this volume. How, writing for a volume in support of Amnesty International, could it be otherwise? Take two of the lectures, which conceptually belong together almost like peas in a pod, those by Stuart Hall and David Harvey. They are perhaps the best-known British Marxist intellectuals, even though David Harvey now teaches in the United States. And they would deserve that appellation even if they were not occupying a lonely niche, since they are among the very few unapologetic Marxists left. Stuart Hall emphasizes three key features driving change in our urban world: the uneven transition to a post-industrial economy and society, globalization, and migration. He asks: What are the chances that we can construct in our cities shared, diverse, just, more inclusive, and egalitarian forms of common life, guaranteeing the full rights of democratic citizenship and participation to all on the basis of equality, whilst respecting the differences that inevitably come about when peoples of different religions, cultures, histories, languages, and traditions are obliged to live together in the same shared space? This is a good question. But, if you know anything about writings in this tradition, you will know the answer in advance: ‘The promises designed to make the poor complicit with their global fate—rising living standards, a more equal distribution of goods and life chances, an opportunity to compete on equal terms with the developed world, a fairer share of the world’s wealth—have comprehensively failed to be delivered.’

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas John Cooke ◽  
Ian Shuttleworth

It is widely presumed that information and communication technologies, or ICTs, enable migration in several ways; primarily by reducing the costs of migration. However, a reconsideration of the relationship between ICTs and migration suggests that ICTs may just as well hinder migration; primarily by reducing the costs of not moving.  Using data from the US Panel Study of Income Dynamics, models that control for sources of observed and unobserved heterogeneity indicate a strong negative effect of ICT use on inter-state migration within the United States. These results help to explain the long-term decline in internal migration within the United States.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harlan Koff

The European Union’s (EU) 2015–2016 “migration/asylum crisis” gave discussions over the relationships between migration, security and development renewed prominence in global affairs. In response to record migratory flows, the EU, like the United States (US), has implemented security responses to migration aimed at protecting territorial integrity. This article addresses the migration–security–development nexus through the lens of policy coherence for development (PCD). It compares EU and US migration policies within the framework of the “transformative development” associated with the Sustainable Development Goals. It contends that these donors have undermined transformative development through the regionalization of development aid, which has contributed to the securitization of both development and migration policies. Thus, the article contends that new mechanisms for change need to be identified. It introduces the notion of “normative coherence” and proposes a potential role for regional human rights courts in fostering migration-related PCD.Spanish abstract: La “crisis migratoria” de la Unión Europea (UE) del 2015–2016 arrojó discusiones sobre las relaciones entre migración, seguridad y desarrollo renovando su prominencia en los asuntos globales. La UE, como los Estados Unidos de América (EE.UU), ha implementado respuestas de seguridad a la migración dirigidas a proteger la integridad territorial. Este artículo se dirige al nexo entre migración, seguridad y desarrollo a través de la lente de la coherencia de políticas públicas para el desarrollo (CPD). Compara las políticas migratorias de UE y EE.UU dentro del marco del “desarrollo transformativo” asociado con los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible. Sostiene que estos donantes han socavado el desarrollo transformativo mediante la regionalización de la ayuda al desarrollo, el cual ha contribuido a incorporar aspectos de seguridad. Así, el artículo sostiene que se requiere identificar nuevos mecanismos para el cambio. Se introduce la noción de “coherencia normativa” y propone el rol potencial de cortes regionales de derechos humanos para promover CPD relacionadas a la migración.French abstract: La crise migratoire 2015-2016 de l’Union Européenne (UE) a replacé les discussions en matière de migration, de sécurité et de développement dans une perspective globale renouvelée. En réponse aux flux sans précédent, l’UE tout comme les Etats-Unis (EU) ont développé des réponses sécuritaires, destinées à protéger leur intégrité territoriale. Cet article évoque la connexion entre la migration, la sécurité et le développement à travers l’optique de la cohérence des politiques publiques pour le développement (CPD). Il compare les politiques migratoires de l’UE et des EU à partir du cadre du « développement transformateur » associé aux ODD. Il révèle que ces donateurs ont saboté le développement transformateur à travers la régionalisation de l’aide au développement, ce qui a contribué à octroyer un impératif sécuritaire. Ainsi, l’article soutient que de nouveaux mécanismes doivent être identifiés. Il introduit la « cohérence normative » et propose un rôle potentiel pour les Cours régionales des droits humaines dans la perspective de promouvoir la CPD en matière de migration.


Author(s):  
Sabrina Strings

Studies on the development of fat stigma in the United States often consider gender, but not race. This chapter adds to the literature on the significance of race in the propagation of fat phobia. I investigate representations of voluptuousness among “white” Anglo-Saxon and German women, as well as “black” Irish women between 1830 and 1890—a time period during which the value of a curvy physique was hotly contested—performing a discourse analysis of thirty-three articles from top newspapers and magazines. I found that the rounded forms of Anglo-Saxon and German women were generally praised as signs of health and beauty. The fat Irish, by contrast, were depicted as grotesque. Building on the work of Stuart Hall, I conclude that fat was a “floating signifier” of race and national belonging. That is, rather than being universally lauded or condemned, the value attached to fatness was related to the race of its possessor.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019791832199478
Author(s):  
Wanli Nie ◽  
Pau Baizan

This article investigates the impact of international migration to the United States on the level and timing of Chinese migrants’ fertility. We compare Chinese women who did not leave the country (non-migrants) and were subject to restrictive family policies from 1974 to 2015 to those who moved to the United States (migrants) and were, thus, “emancipated” from these policies. We theoretically develop and empirically test the emancipation hypothesis that migrants should have a higher fertility than non-migrants, as well as an earlier timing of childbearing. This emancipation effect is hypothesized to decline across birth cohorts. We use data from the 2000 US census, the 2005 American Community Survey, the 2000 Chinese census, and the 2005 Chinese 1 percent Population Survey and discrete-time event history models to analyze first, second, and third births, and migration as joint processes, to account for selection effects. The results show that Chinese migrants to the United States had substantially higher childbearing probabilities after migration, compared with non-migrants in China, especially for second and third births. Moreover, our analyses indicate that the migration process is selective of migrants with lower fertility. Overall, the results show how international migration from China to the United States can lead to an increase in migrant women’s fertility, accounting for disruption, adaptation, and selection effects. The rapidly increased fertility after migration from China to the United States might have implications on other migration contexts where fertility in the origin country is dropping rapidly while that in the destination country is relatively stable.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-38
Author(s):  
Stephen J. Rosow

Contestation over war memorialization can help democratic theory respond to the current attenuation of citizenship in war in liberal democratic states, especially the United States. As war involves more advanced technologies and fewer soldiers, the relation of citizenship to war changes. In this context war memorialization plays a particular role in refiguring the relation. Current practices of remembering and memorializing war in contemporary neoliberal states respond to a dilemma: the state needs to justify and garner support for continual wars while distancing citizenship from participation. The result is a consumer culture of memorialization that seeks to effect a unity of the political community while it fights wars with few citizens and devalues the public. Neoliberal wars fought with few soldiers and an economic logic reveals the vulnerability to otherness that leads to more active and critical democratic citizenship.


1981 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arnon Soffer

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Galilee Mountains were still practically a ‘closed system’, as a result of which the balance of land-use was more or less preserved. Rural settlements had then hardly developed, and stagnation of the few remaining mountain towns was observed. In general, the roads were unpaved routes, the economy served for subsistence only (based mainly on agricultural terraces), while most of the area was of forest or rocky ground serving as pasture.During the British Mandatory period, the Galilee Mountains area opened up slowly, and this process has increased ever since the establishment of the State of Israel. The Mountains are facing a tremendous increase in population as a result of natural local increase (mostly Arabs) and migration (mostly Jews). This excessive mountain population in Israel is an unusual phenomenon in comparison with other mountain regions in the western world, which have generally decreased in population though there, too, the equilibrium of land-use has been shaken—for instance in the Swiss Alps (Bugmann, 1980; Gallusser, 1980; Messerli et al., 1980), and in the Rocky Mountains of the United States (Kelly, 1980).


Daedalus ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 146 (4) ◽  
pp. 33-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce D. Jones ◽  
Stephen John Stedman

By the standards of prosperity and peace, the post–Cold War international order has been an unparalleled success. Over the last thirty years, there has been more creation of wealth and a greater reduction of poverty, disease, and food insecurity than in all of previous history. During the same period, the numbers and lethality of wars have decreased. These facts have not deterred an alternative assessment that civil violence, terrorism, failed states, and numbers of refugees are at unprecedentedly high levels. But there is no global crisis of failed states and endemic civil war, no global crisis of refugees and migration, and no global crisis of disorder. Instead, what we have seen is a particular historical crisis unfold in the greater Middle East, which has collapsed order within that region and has fed the biggest threat to international order: populism in the United States and Europe.


2014 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Cassandra Hartblay

<p>Nancy Fraser and Linda Gordon's 1994 article &ldquo;A Genealogy of Dependency: Tracing a Keyword of the US Welfare State&rdquo; explored the historical emergence of "dependency" as a moral category of post-industrial American state. In this article, I engage their framework to explore the genealogy of dependency in America's post-industrial sister, the post-Soviet Russian Federation. I also add disability as a core element of 'dependency' that was largely absent from Fraser and Gordon's original analysis. Considering cross-cultural translation, I ask how Russian deployments of three words that all relate to a concept of interdependence align with and depart from American notions of dependency, and trace historical configurations of the Soviet welfare state vis-a-vis disability. To do so, I draw on historical and cultural texts, linguistic comparisons, secondary sources, and ethnographic research. Given this analysis, I argue that rather than a Cold War interpretation of the Soviet Union and the US as oppositional superpowers in the 20th century, a liberatory disability studies framework suggests that in the postindustrial era the Soviet Union and the United States emerged as dual regimes of productivity. I suggest that reframing postsocialism as a global condition helps us to shift considerations of disability justice from a critique of capitalism to a critique of productivity.&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>Keywords: dependency, disability, citizenship, russia, productivity</p>


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