Introduction

Author(s):  
Joy G. Dryfoos

All of the contributors to this book are clearly in favor of community schools. We would like to see this movement grow rapidly or, as we often say, “go to scale.” This would mean that communities with high needs and low performance would be assisted in transforming their schools. The Children’s Aid Society (CAS) work is one of the streams that have come together to create a new field of full-service community schools. The CAS model has been strengthened by many adaptations throughout the country and overseas. A National Technical Assistance Center for Community Schools has been set up at Intermediate School (IS) 218 with facilities for orientation and training. More than 6,000 policy makers and practitioners from all over the world have taken the tour and observed the rich climate at this pilot school. The concepts of community schools do not necessarily sink in at first encounter; it sometimes takes a while for people to “get it.” The question often arises: Do you really expect the schools to do all of that? It is not well understood that the idea behind the community school movement is for schools to do less, not more! Partners such as CAS come into the building and take responsibility for health, social services, extended hours, and parent and community involvement. However, some school superintendents do get it; Thomas Payzant is a good example (see ch. 15 in this volume). Arne Duncan, head of the Chicago Public Schools, is another strong advocate: “We started with 20 community [school] centers this year [and] we want to add 20 each of the next five years so we will get up to 100 over five years. . . . [T]he Chicago School System cannot do this alone. . . . We have universities, local Boys & Girls Clubs, the YMCA’s, Jane Addams’ Hull House . . . helping to run our program with us.” The quest for appropriate space within schools for the core components is being addressed in large new school building initiatives around the country.

A community school differs from other public schools in important ways: it is generally open most of the time, governed by a partnership between the school system and a community agency, and offers a broad array of health and social services. It often has an extended day before and after school, features parent involvement programs, and works for community enrichment. How should such a school be structured? How can its success be measured? Community Schools in Action: Lessons from a Decade of Practice presents the Children's Aid Society's (CAS) approach to creating community schools for the 21st century. CAS began this work more than a decade ago and today operates thirteen such schools in three low-income areas of New York City. Through a technical assistance center operated by CAS, hundreds of other schools across the country and the world are adapting this model. Based on their own experiences working with community schools, the contributors to the volume supply invaluable information about the selected program components. They describe how and why CAS started its community school initiative and explain how CAS community schools are organized, integrated with the school system, sustained, and evaluated. The book also includes several contributions from experts outside of CAS: a city superintendent, an architect, and the director of the Coalition for Community Schools. Co-editors Joy Dryfoos, an authority on community schools, and Jane Quinn, CAS's Assistant Executive Director of Community Schools, have teamed up with freelance writer Carol Barkin to provide commentary linking the various components together. For those interested in transforming their schools into effective child- and family-centered institutions, this book provides a detailed road map. For those concerned with educational and social policy, the book offers a unique example of research-based action that has significant implications for our society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 453-480 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Daniel ◽  
Karen Hunter Quartz ◽  
Jeannie Oakes

The community school strategy calls on teachers, families, and school staff to take on new and more challenging roles to collaboratively address existing educational inequities. For example, deepened family and community engagement in the schools can help incorporate the rich funds of community knowledge and experience, both in the classroom and in making plans and decisions about the school. As school and community stakeholders work together, they can develop learning opportunities and access to services that support student learning and development. Community schools are particularly well-positioned to take advantage of research-backed strategies like integrated supports that help students come to class more prepared to learn, hands-on and innovative teaching and learning opportunities to deepen and extend learning, and sustainable workplace conditions to promote teacher satisfaction and retention. Embracing the link between learning and community, teachers and community school staff ensure that students and communities have opportunities to access rich, challenging, and culturally relevant curriculum and pedagogy, while accessing resources and supports. This expanded conception of what it means to teach in a community school presents new ways for researchers to study and help advance the field as well as the larger community schools movement.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 88
Author(s):  
Musdalifah Muchlis ◽  
Jumadi Jumadi

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui kondisi pendidikan di Enrekang sebelum tahun 1950, sistem  pendidikan sekolah rakyat dan  perkembangan sekolah rakyat di Enrekang tahun 1950-1959. Sistem dan perkembangan sekolah rakyat dalam penelitian ini berfokus pada kebijakan pemerintah, partisipasi masyarakat, guru sekolah rakyat, minat murid, kondisi dan peralatan sekolah. Jenis penelitian ini adalah penelitian Kualitatif, dengan menggunakan metode sejarah melalui tahapan: heuristik (pengumpulan sumber), kritik sumber, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa sekolah rakyat sudah ada pada masa pemerintahan Belanda tahun 1905 sedangkan di Enrekang tahun 1926 namun  nama Volkschool. Nama sekolah Rakyat dipakai setelah Indonesia merdeka. Kondisi Sekolah rakyat di Enrekang sebelum tahun 1950 masih dalam keadaan terbelakang namun setelah lima tahun merdeka keadaan sudah semakin membaik.  Sistem pendidikan sekolah rakyat setelah kemerdekaan terutama dalam kurikulum yang awalnya hanya belajar membaca, menulis dan berhitung kini semakin bertambah.seperti contohnya belajar sejarah. Sekolah rakyat di Enrekang mengalami perkembangan di lihat dari semakin banyaknya sekolah yang berubah dari SR 3 atau 4 menjadi 6 tahun karena jumlah siswa bertambah. Perkembangan tersebut karena adanya peran aktif masyarakat dan pemerintah yang turut andil dalam kemajuan pendidikan.Kata Kunci: Sekolah rakyat dan Enrekang.AbstractThis study aims to determine the condition of education in Enrekang before 1950, the education system of public schools and the development of community schools in Enrekang in 1950-1959. The system and development of community schools in this study focused on government policy, community participation, community school teachers, student interests, school conditions and equipment. This type of research is a qualitative study, using the historical method through stages: heuristics (source collection), source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results showed that the people's school had existed during the Dutch administration in 1905 while in Enrekang in 1926 the name was Volkschool. The name People's school was used after Indonesian independence. The condition of people's schools in Enrekang before 1950 was still underdeveloped, but after five years of independence the situation had improved. The education system of the people's schools after independence, especially in the curriculum which initially only learned to read, write and count is now increasing. For example studying history. Public schools in Enrekang are experiencing growth in view of the increasing number of schools that change from SR 3 or 4 to 6 years as the number of students increases. This development was due to the active role of the community and the government that contributed to the progress of education.Keywords: Community school and Enrekang


Author(s):  
Joy G. Dryfoos ◽  
Jane Quinn

It may seem strange in a chaotic political period to say that the community school movement is alive, well, and growing. Yet such chaos can give rise to collaborative concepts. Out of adversity comes action, and that action is directed toward helping children succeed in an increasingly difficult environment of higher poverty levels, less health insurance, failing schools, more mental health problems, and a widening gap between social classes and races. It is not a pretty picture, but it is a challenging one. The Children’s Aid Society (CAS) is moving forward with its commitment to community schools. Although we thought we would stop at 10 school sites in New York City, during the 2003–2004 academic year we initiated three more—two in the Bronx and one on Staten Island. Our Technical Assistance Center is in great demand, hosting more than 600 visits in 2003 and responding to more than 500 requests for technical assistance. Also in 2003 we convened representatives from more than 60 of the national and international adaptation sites for a three-day practicum—a training and networking session at which we heard testimonials to success and stories about challenges. Many of the original adaptation sites have moved from one dynamic community school to a cluster of schools within their neighborhoods or districts. And some of these original adaptation sites have matured to the point of providing guidance to other schools that want to emulate their success. There are now more than 200 adaptation sites—community schools based on the CAS model—in the United States and other countries. We are often asked, “Just how many community schools are there in this country?” We have a reasonable census of CAS sites (13) and adaptations (215), but that is only the beginning of a count. The question is difficult to answer because there are so many versions of other models and so many schools without any of these components that nevertheless call themselves “community schools.” We have tried to construct a continuum along which schools can measure themselves.


2021 ◽  
Vol 91 (4) ◽  
pp. 511-536
Author(s):  
KEVIN M. KANE ◽  
KAREN HUNTER QUARTZ ◽  
LINDSEY T. KUNISAKI

In this article, Kevin M. Kane, Karen Hunter Quartz, and Lindsey T. Kunisaki describe the transformative parent engagement fostered in a multigenerational afterschool arts program at a community school. Community schools bring together families, teachers, and other neighborhood partners to help students learn, grow, and thrive and often integrate health, education, and social services. This embedded case study shows how community schools can also nurture cultural assets in the form of parents’ community cultural wealth. The learning of these community school parents demonstrates the mutually reinforcing relationships between transformative parent engagement, collaborative leadership, expanded learning opportunities, and integrated student supports. This study highlights the transformative impact of culturally sustaining arts on individuals, families, and the school as a whole, offering implications for researchers and practitioners in community-based arts education and community school development.


Author(s):  
Martin J. Blank

In 1997, after their community school concepts received a cold shoulder at a school reform conference, Joy Dryfoos, C. Warren “Pete” Moses, and Ira Harkavy knew it was time for action. All three had been deeply involved in creating new school-community relationships. Joy Dryfoos had helped call national attention to the overlapping needs that put one of every four children at risk; her 1994 book Full-Service Schools outlined a community school approach to help meet those needs. As chief operating officer of The Children’s Aid Society (CAS), Pete Moses, together with CAS’s chief executive officer, Philip Coltoff, had helped bring the resources of one of New York City’s oldest child welfare agencies directly into neighborhood schools as part of a comprehensive educational approach. Ira Harkavy, director of the University of Pennsylvania’s Center for Community Partnerships, was creating opportunities for University of Pennsylvania students and faculty to work with, and learn from, students and residents in Philadelphia schools, using the community as a resource. All three knew from experience that community schools offered an effective strategy for building strong schools, strong families, and strong communities and that these were essential for learning. The group began thinking about how to jump-start a community school movement. After a second meeting a few weeks later, they were convinced that more like-minded people needed to be involved. They decided to hold a Community Schools Forum at Fordham University and invited about 30 people they thought would be interested. When 125 participants showed up, they knew they were on to something. This chapter tells how that experience helped launch the Coalition for Community Schools and its drive to put community schools at the center of a twenty-first-century education-reform agenda. In 1997 a “coalition for community schools” was a new idea, but community schools were not. Part of what drew so many to the Fordham summit was the opportunity to give new voice to time-tested approaches to connecting school and community and, participants hoped, to use them more broadly to address current concerns. John Dewey, whose ideas helped create community schools, observed that “the true starting point of history is always some present situation with its problems.”


1988 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-335
Author(s):  
Khwaja Sarmad

This book is a comprehensive analysis of farmers' movements in India with a focus on the movements in Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Punjab and Karnatka. It examines the economic, social and political aspects of the farmers' struggle for a better deal within regional and national perspectives and evaluates the potential impact of these struggles on economic development in general, and on rural development, in particular. In a most competent way the author has presented the current state of the debate on the subject. He deals exhaustively with the subject of agricultural price policy and argues against the proposition that favourable price-setting for farm products is adequate to alleviate rural poverty. A better way to tackle this problem is to improve the per capita output in the rural sector, since the root cause of the problem is not unfavourable terms of trade but the increasing proportion of land holdings, which are economically not viable. Agricultural price policy is analyzed within the context of class relations, which enables to establish a link between the economic and political demands of the farmers. This analysis leads the author to conclude, that in contrast with the peasants' movements in India, which helped to break up the feudal agrarian set-up, the recent farmers' movements, with a few exceptions, have little revolutionary content. Their leadership has been appropriated by the rich landowners, who have transformed the movements into a lobby for advancing their own interests, within the existing power structure, to the neglect of the poorer peasantry.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 392-410
Author(s):  
Ruby Oram

AbstractProgressive Era school officials transformed public education in American cities by teaching male students trades like foundry, carpentry, and mechanics in classrooms outfitted like factories. Historians have demonstrated how this “vocational education movement” was championed by male administrators and business leaders anxious to train the next generation of expert tradesmen. But women also hoped vocational education could prepare female students for industrial careers. In the early twentieth century, members of the National Women’s Trade Union League demanded that public schools open trade programs to female students and teach future working women the history of capitalism and the philosophy of collective bargaining. Their ambitious goals were tempered by some middle-class reformers and club women who argued vocational programs should also prepare female students for homemaking and motherhood. This article uses Chicago as a case study to explore how Progressive Era women competed and collaborated to reform vocational education for girls, and how female students responded to new school programs designed to prepare them for work both in and outside the home.


2011 ◽  
Vol 113 (4) ◽  
pp. 735-754 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamel K. Donnor

Background By a 5–4 margin, the U.S. Supreme Court in Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1 declared that voluntary public school integration programs were unconstitutional. Citing the prospective harm that students and their families might incur from being denied admission to the high school of their choice, the Supreme Court declared that the plaintiffs, Parents Involved in Community Schools (PICS), had a valid claim of injury by asserting a interest in not being forced to compete for seats at certain high schools in a system that uses race as a deciding factor in many of its admissions decisions. Purpose The goal of the article is to discuss how conceptions of harm and fairness as articulated in Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1 privilege the self-interests of White students and families over the educational needs of students of color. Research Design This article is a document analysis. Conclusions By referencing the Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka decision of 1954 (Brown I) to buttress its decision, the U.S. Supreme Court has determined that programmatic efforts to ensure students of color access to quality learning environments are inherently ominous. The dilemma moving forward for policy makers and scholars concerned with the educational advancement of students of color is not to develop new ways to integrate America's public schools or reconcile the gaps in the Supreme Court's logic, but rather to craft programs and policies for students of color around the human development and workforce needs of the global economy.


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