Introduction

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Emily Greble

The introduction establishes key arguments and questions at the heart of Muslims in Modern Europe. Being Muslim in Europe, it shows, was not simply a confessional identity or a matter of belief, but a legal category enshrined in decades of legal codes, institutionalized in the structures of state institutions, and embedded in European frameworks for political and cultural belonging. It demonstrates that Muslims in southeastern Europe were Europeans, and their histories need to be included as part of core European histories. Muslims in Europe were certainly victims of oppressive power structures, disingenuous negotiations, and discrimination. But they fought for the right to define the place of Islam in their states and societies, shaping the European project itself.

Author(s):  
S. Biryukov ◽  
A. Barsukov

“Far right” parties present an important part of the all-European political landscape. An ideological source for many of them is the political platform of the “New right” – a wide group of philosophers, sociologists, historians, writers, who has actively acted in the early 1970th with a criticism of the liberal and socialist bases of the “European project”. Processes of globalization and regionalization, crisis of traditional ideologies and state model lead to a change of the agenda of European Right, to strengthening of the right populist, euro-regionalist and alter-globalist trends.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 273-287

The article examines the impact of the discourses concerning idleness and food on the formation of “production art” in the socio-political context of revolutionary Petrograd. The author argues that the development of the theory and practice of this early productionism was closely related to the larger political, social and ideological processes in the city. The Futurists, who were in the epicenter of Petrograd politics during the Civil War (1918–1921), were well acquainted with both of the discourses mentioned, and they contrasted the idleness of the old art with the dedicated labor of the “artist-proletarians” whom they valued as highly as people in the “traditional” working professions. And the search for the “right to exist” became the most important goal in a starving city dominated by the ideology of radical communism. The author departs from the prevailing approach in the literature, which links the artistic thought of the Futurists to Soviet ideology in its abstract, generalized form, and instead elucidates ideological influences in order to consider the early production texts in their immediate social and political contexts. The article shows that the basic concepts of production art (“artist-proletarian,” “creative labor,” etc.) were part of the mainstream trends in the politics of “red Petrograd.” The Futurists borrowed the popular notion of the “commune” for the title of their main newspaper but also worked with the Committees of the Rural Poor and with the state institutions for procurement and distribution. They took an active part in the Fine Art Department of Narkompros (People’s Commissariat of Education). The theory of production art was created under these conditions. The individualistic protest and “aesthetic terror” of pre-revolutionary Futurism had to be reconsidered, and new state policy measures were based on them. The harsh socio-economic context of war communism prompted artists to rethink their own role in the “impending commune.” Further development of these ideas led to the Constructivist movement and strongly influenced the extremely diverse trends within the “left art” of the 1920s.


Author(s):  
Ashoka Mody

This chapter describes two scenarios, the two possible ways in which the final act of the European project plays out. In the first scenario, European authorities remain confident that they have essentially been on the right track and they continue to make modest course corrections, which they believe will ensure a brighter European future. However, the elusive and frustrating pursuit of deeper economic and financial integration causes more economic and political damage. Setbacks and crises recur to test the euro and its accompanying political vision. In the second scenario, the pro-European vision, European authorities recognize the important truth that “more Europe” will not solve Europe's most pressing economic and social problems. They dismantle the economically counterproductive and politically corrosive system of fiscal rules and rely more on financial markets to enforce fiscal discipline. Paradoxically, the euro survives, not because it adds value but because it becomes largely irrelevant.


Slavic Review ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Klassen

Throughout European history the aristocracy has been involved in reform movements which undermined either ecclesiastical or monarchical power structures. Thus the nobles of southern France in the twelfth century granted protection to the Cathars, and in fourteenth-century England lords and knights offered aid to the Lollards. The support of German princes and knights for Lutheranism is well known, as is the instrumental role played by the French aristocracy in initiating the constitutional reforms which gave birth to that nation's eighteenth-century revolution. The fifteenth-century Hussite reform movement in Bohemia similarly received aid from the noble class. Here, when the Hussites were under attack in 1417 from the authorities, especially the archbishop, sympathetic lords protected Hussite priests on their domains.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-20
Author(s):  
Giancarlo Anello

Abstract The article describes the making of the right of worship of Muslim minorities in Europe and its current difficulties, presenting and commenting on the emblematic example of local legislation concerning the building of new mosques in northern Italy. Controlling norms arise from recent decisions of the Italian Constitutional Court. The Court declared unconstitutional certain provisions of two regional laws approved by the Lombardy region (2/2015) and the Veneto region (12/2016), which imposed very strict conditions for the opening, approval and use of mosques. In particular, the Court declared unconstitutional norms that—with regard to the building of places of worship—introduced certain conditions for groups with an agreement with the State and different conditions for those without. Moreover, the Court declared unconstitutional the principle that all religious services that take place in a building open to public should be conducted in Italian. The basic assumption of the article is that current discrimination is the combined result of anti-migration sentiment and Islamophobic prejudices, and the consequence of the Eurocentric nature of the principle of religious freedom. A historically-oriented pluralism and multilevel (national) enforcement of freedom of religion seem to be huge obstacles to the implementation of the right to worship for Muslims in Europe and Italy.


Author(s):  
Rahmayanti Rahmayanti

Corruption is a serious problem because it can endanger the stability and security of society, destroy democratic values and morality, and endanger economic, socio-political development, and create massive poverty so that it needs attention from the government and society and social institutions. The purpose of this study is to determine and analyze the sanctions arrangements for corruption in the abuse of office and the return of assets resulting from corruption against criminal acts of abuse of office based on Law Number 31 of 1999 in conjunction with Law Number 20 of 2001 concerning Corruption Eradication. The research that was conducted was juridical normative, the data source used to support this research was secondary data sources. The return of assets from corruption has occupied an important position in eradicating corruption. a criminal act of corruption is an act directly related to the authority (bevoegheid), the right to rule or act as the power of a public official to comply with the rule of law in the scope of carrying out public obligations. The return of assets is based on the principles of social justice which gives the ability, duty and responsibility to state institutions and legal institutions to provide protection and opportunities for individuals in society to achieve prosperity, so that this is in line with the objectives of the State as specified in UUD 1945. 


Author(s):  
Oleksii Shchetinin

The society of the Right Bank during the studied period as a whole kept agro-literate character – landowners and clergy of the region were separated from peasants by an educational barrier. The luck of education and dogmatic ignorance of the peasantry of the three rites in the region gave rise to some common cults for Western and Eastern Christian traditions. Educated residents of the region's Christian denominations had different attitudes toward each other, but were equally negative about Jews. Protestants in the region had a non-ritual non-traditional religiosity.


2002 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 341-361 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin J. Kaplan

AbstractIn the wake of Europe's religious wars, it became accepted that embassies could include chapels where forms of Christianity illegal in the host country could be practiced. In theory, only ambassadors and their entourage had the right to worship in such chapels, but in practice the latter became bases for full-fledged congregations of native religious dissenters. Constructed out of residential space, the chapels belonged to a broader category of edifice, the "clandestine church." They helped give birth to the modern doctrine of "extraterritoriality."


1995 ◽  
Vol 20 (01) ◽  
pp. 117-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Łoś

This article focuses on discourses conducted in Central/East European countries, and Poland in particular, with respect to the issue of participation of former secret agents in the new power structures. It exposes the reader to the range, style, content, and variety of lustration discourses. It explores their relevance for the ongoing power struggle, paying special attention to their focus on and contribution to the processes of construction and control of truth about the past. Given that the procedural and legal-institutional issues occupy a marginal place in the debate, it is inferred that the main sources of discord are more ideological and political than legal. The two main strains within the global lustration discourse are identified as: (1) dystopian discourses that paint a frightful picture of a lustrated society and imply that the upheaval of lustration would ruin the chance for democratic evolution, and (2) affirmative discourses that assert the need for lustration and portray the refusal to implement it as a barrier to successful transition to democracy. The article elaborates on assumptions and beliefs, which tend to link the dystopian opposition to lustration with the left-wing political affiliation or self-identification and the affirmative discourse with the right-wing orientation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 280
Author(s):  
Muzayanah Muzayanah

The Republic of Indonesia is a state based on the rule of law in implementing state administration based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. The administration of government with a democratic system in which the highest sovereignty is in the hands of the people and in its implementation the people elect a leader to run the government. To determine the regional leader / regional head must be carried out through regional head elections. Regional head elections are intended to continue the government which has ended its term of office. Therefore, regional head elections must be held simultaneously throughout the territory of the Republic of Indonesia. The holding of regional head elections is a big job and is the responsibility of all parties, including all citizens of the Republic of Indonesia, so that the implementation of regional head elections runs well. The regional head elections in question have been held and are the result of the hard work of various relevant state institutions that have carried out their duties and responsibilities, in this case the General Election Commission (KPU) which has held regional head elections simultaneously throughout the territory of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI). ). The 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia regulates the voting rights of citizens to participate and actively participate in determining regional leaders / regional heads who will lead in their respective territories. Citizens have the right to vote to vote at regional head elections. This is of course an awareness and responsibility as citizens so that regional leaders / regional heads are elected who are able to organize government and create prosperity and justice based on the values contained in the principles of Pancasila. The problem in this research is how a juridical study of the awareness of citizens to use their voting rights in implementing democracy in regional head elections?This research is a normative juridical research with the Library Research research method. The data collection method uses secondary data in the form of primary legal materials and secondary and tertiary legal materials. The population in this study is a random population of residents / community of Pengkol hamlet, Mangunsari village, Gunung pati District, Semarang City. The results of the research show that people in this region as citizens of the Republic of Indonesia have the awareness and responsibility to exercise their voting rights in the implementation of regional head elections, especially the election for Mayor and Deputy Mayor of Semarang on December 9, 2020. Regional head elections in this region have been going well and in a conducive situation even though it was held during the Covid-19 pandemic. It is hoped that the holding of this regional head election will produce regional leaders who have reliable and quality leadership management and are able to bring the community to realize social justice for all Indonesian people.


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