John Davenant on the Extent of Christ’s Atoning Work

2021 ◽  
pp. 101-131
Author(s):  
Michael J. Lynch
Keyword(s):  
Roman Catholic ◽  
Detailed Examination ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand

Being the central chapter of the book, this chapter provides the first comprehensive exposition of John Davenant’s hypothetical universalism to date. It centers on his controversial work De Morte Christi. By way of a detailed examination at each of propositions of this treatise, this chapter shows how Davenant pushed back against a significant segment of Reformed theologians who denied that Christ died for all. On the other hand, as this chapter makes clear, the chapter also demonstrates how Davenant also distanced himself from the Remonstrant denial that Christ died for the elect. Instead, as the chapter proves, Davenant, citing a plethora of Reformed and Roman Catholic sources, understood his doctrine to be biblical, catholic, and Reformed.

Resolving the Lourinia armata (Claus, 1866) complex with remarks on the monophyletic status of Louriniidae, Monard 1927 (Copepoda: Harpacticoida)

Zootaxa ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 5051 (1) ◽  
pp. 346-386
Author(s):  
SÜPHAN KARAYTUĞ ◽  
SERDAR SAK ◽  
ALP ALPER ◽  
SERDAR SÖNMEZ
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Evaluation ◽  
Species Complex ◽  
Detailed Examination ◽  
The Other ◽  
Phylogenetic Position ◽  
Nicobar Island ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Family ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
Almost All

An attempt was made to test if Lourinia armata (Claus, 1866)—as it is currently diagnosed—represents a species complex. Detailed examination and comparisons of several specimens collected from different localities suggest that L. armata indeed represents a complex of four closely related morphospecies that can be differentiated from one another by only detailed observations. One of the four species is identified as Lourinia aff. armata and the other three species are described as new to science and named as Lourinia wellsi sp. nov., L. gocmeni sp. nov., and L. aldabraensis sp. nov. Detailed review of previous species records indicates that the genus Lourinia Wilson, 1924 is distributed worldwide. Ceyloniella nicobarica Sewell, 1940, originally described from Nicobar Island and previously considered a junior subjective synonym of L. armata is reinstated as Lourinia nicobarica (Sewell, 1940) comb. nov. on the basis of the unique paddle-shaped caudal ramus seta V. It is postulated that almost all of these records are unreliable in terms of representing true Lourinia aff. armata described herein. On the other hand, the comparative evaluation of the illustrations and descriptions in the published literature indicates the presence of several new species waiting to be discovered in the genus Lourinia.                 It has been determined that, according to updated modern keys, the recent inclusion of the monotypic genus Archeolourinia Corgosinho & Schizas, 2013 in the Louriniidae is not justified since Archeolourinia shermani Corgosinho & Schizas, 2013 does not belong to this family but should be assigned to the Canthocamptidae. On the other hand, it has been argued that the exact phylogenetic position of the Louriniidae still remains problematic since none of the diagnostic characters supports the monophyly of the family within the Oligoarthra. It has also been argued that the close relationship between Louriniidae and Canthocamptidae is supported since both families share the homologous sexual dimorphism (apophysis) on P3 endopod. The most important characteristic that can possibly be used to define Louriniidae is the reduction of maxilliped.  

Attitudes to reform: political parties in Ulster and the Irish land bill of 1881

1985 ◽  
Vol 24 (95) ◽  
pp. 327-340
Author(s):  
Francis Thompson
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Detailed Examination ◽  
The Other ◽  
The South ◽  
The North ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Previous Decade ◽  
History Of

The Irish land act of 1881, it is generally agreed, was a victory for the Land League and Parnell, and nationalist policy with regard to the act and the attitude of southern tenants towards it have been many times subjected to detailed examination by historians of this period. In these analyses of the events of 1880–81, however, little reference is normally made to the part played by the different parties and interests in the north of the country. It is often assumed, for example, that the Ulster tenants held aloof from the campaign for reform, lending no more than occasional vocal support to the agitational efforts of tenants in the south and west. Indeed, they were later excoriated by William O'Brien, Michael Davitt and others not only for giving no support to the land movement but also for sabotaging Parnell's policy of testing the 1881 act by precipitately rushing into the land courts to take advantage of the new legislation: ‘that hard-fisted body of men, having done nothing themselves to win the act, thought of nothing but turning it to their own immediate use, and repudiating any solidarity with the southern and western rebels to whom they really owed it’. If, however, northern tenants were harshly judged by nationalist politicians in the years after 1881, the part played by the northern political parties in the history of the land bill has been either ignored or misunderstood by historians since that time. The Ulster liberals, for example, are rarely mentioned, the implication being that they made no contribution to the act even though it implemented almost exactly the programme on which they had been campaigning for much of the previous decade. The northern conservatives, on the other hand, are commonly seen as leading opponents of the bill, more intransigent than their party colleagues in the south, ‘quick to denounce any weakening of the opposition’ to reform, and ‘determined to keep the tory party up to the mark in defending the landlord interest’

The Reply of Professor Cullmann to Roman Catholic Critics

1962 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-43
Author(s):  
Robert P. Meye
Keyword(s):  
New Testament ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The New Testament ◽  
The Subject

I am pleased to have an opportunity to make a provisional reply to my Catholic critics. For the objections formulated by Father G. Bavaud on the subject of my Christology of the New Testament are representative of those which I have encountered in other Catholic writers. I respond all the more willingly to his article since I discern in it a sincere desire to understand me and to converse with me in a spirit of complete honesty. Despite this, I do not feel that he has understood me at a very important point; and this is because I expressed myself too briefly in certain parts of my book. But, on the other hand, since only Catholic theologians (and not all of them) have attributed ideas to me which I do not recognise as my own, I wonder whether, besides a difference of method of which I will speak at the end of this article, there is not something else equally important.

scholarly journals Rooms triomfalisme in de Amsterdamse straten : De betekenis van het 27e Internationaal Eucharistisch Congres (22-27 juli 1924) voor de ontwikkeling van het Nederlandse katholicisme

2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (93) ◽  
pp. 95-133
Author(s):  
Vefie Poels
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
The Other ◽  
Negative Image ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Common ◽  
National Icon ◽  
The Government ◽  
Papal Legate

Abstract This article analyses the preparations and the implementation of the 27th International Eucharistic Congress, held at Amsterdam in 1924. After an introduction on the (negative) image of this congress in Dutch historiography, on the person of de papal legate (the Dutch cardinal Willem van Rossum CSSR), and on the phenomenon of the ‘Eucharistic Congresses’ and its organizing committee, the author analyses the forces pro and contra the organization of such a Congress in Amsterdam. The initiative was taken by some ultramontane clergy and laypeople, gathered around the revival of the devotion of the Amsterdam Eucharistic Miracle (1345). The bishop involved, mgr. A. Callier of Harlem, felt little of inviting the organizing committee to choose for Amsterdam, and also the (Roman Catholic) Prime Minister Ruijs de Beerenbrouck kept aloof, fearing a revival of protestant antipapism. So in advance it was already clear that the government and queen Wilhelmina would avoid every diplomatic presence ‐ quit different as was the case at similar congresses in other countries. Besides, a grand procession through the Amsterdam streets was impossible because of the then still prevailing prohibition of public religious processions. The most important ceremonies thus were held in the Amsterdam soccer stadium. The Congress strengthened the feeling of unity of the ‘common’ Catholics with the Dutch cardinal as their shared national icon, but on the other hand it worsened the relations between the Dutch episcopate and the Prime Minister, and their ‘man in Rome’. In the end the Eucharistic Congress had no antipapistic consequences, and only limited political consequences, thanks to quite a lot of informal negotiations before and during the Congress. It nevertheless played a role on the background, when the government decided in 1925 to close the Dutch embassy at the Vatican.

scholarly journals Misturando massihiyin aos limites do Estado laico

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
John Tofik Karam
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
The Other ◽  
Roman Catholic Church ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Arab Origin ◽  
Cultural Content ◽  
The One ◽  
Secular State

Este trabalho indaga sobre a aparente “mistura” de massihiyin (cristãos em árabe), tanto da igreja ortodoxa do patriarcado antioquina quanto dos ritos maronita e melquita (ou oriental) que pertencem à igreja católica romana. Argumenta-se que a “mistura” significa não a diluição mas a contenção e a conversibilidade da diferença. Por um lado, os maronitas, os melquitas e os ortodoxos de origem árabe adotaram o catolicismo de rito latino, protestantismo e em menor grau, espiritismo, umbanda e candomblé. Por outro lado, os brasileiros sem nenhuma ascendência árabe se converteram às denominações maronita, melquita e ortodoxa. A diferença cristã árabe é construída e contida no que o antropólogo Richard Wilk chamou de “estrutura da diferença comum”. O conteúdo cultural assume uma forma “mutuamente inteligível,” se variável, na chamada “mistura”. Em vez de ser um benefício ou direito outorgado do Estado laico, a construção minoritária desses e outros sujeitos revela a própria contradição ainda não-resolvida do laicismo. This work explores  the apparent “mixture” of massihiyin (Christians in Arabic), both from the Orthodox Church of the Antiochian Patriarchate and from the Maronite and Melkite (or Eastern) rites that belong to the Roman Catholic Church. It is argued that “mixing” means not dilution but containment and convertibility of difference. On the one hand, Maronites, Melchites and Orthodox of Arab origin adopted the Catholicism of Latin rite, Protestantism and to a lesser extent, Spiritism, Umbanda and Candomblé. On the other hand, Brazilians with no Arab ancestry converted to the Maronite, Melkite and Orthodox denominations.  Arab Christian difference is constructed and contained in what anthropologist Richard Wilk called "the structure of common difference". Cultural content takes on a “mutually intelligible” form, if variable, in the so-called “mixture”. Instead of being a benefit or right granted by the secular state, the minority construction of these and other subjects reveals the  unresolved contradiction of secularism and the secular state.Este trabajo indaga sobre la aparente "mezcla" de massihiyin (cristianos en árabe), tanto de la Iglesia Ortodoxa del Patriarcado Antioqueño como de los ritos maronitas y melkitas (u orientales) que pertenecen a la Iglesia Católica Romana. Se argumenta que "mezclar" significa no dilución sino contención y convertibilidad de la diferencia. Por un lado, los maronitas, melquitas y ortodoxos de origen árabe adoptaron el catolicismo de rito latino, el protestantismo y, en menor medida, el espiritismo, el umbanda y el candomblé. Por otro lado, los brasileños sin ascendencia árabe se convirtieron a las denominaciones maronita, melquita y ortodoxa. La diferencia cristiana árabe está construida y contenida en lo que el antropólogo Richard Wilk llamó "la estructura de la diferencia común". El contenido cultural adquiere una forma "mutuamente inteligible", si es variable, en la llamada "mezcla". En lugar de ser un beneficio o un derecho otorgado al estado secular, la construcción minoritaria de estos y otros temas revela la contradicción muy no resuelta del secularismo.

Ethnicity and Confession in Bukovina in the Sources from the Turn of the 18th century

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (46) ◽  
pp. 57-66
Author(s):  
Melchior Jakubowski
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
The Other ◽  
Roman Catholic Church ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One ◽  
Catholic Churches ◽  
Roman Catholics

In the descriptions of Bukovуna as the new Habsburg province and in the records of the Roman Catholic Church various terms for ethnicity have functioned, sophisticatedly related to the religious denominations. Either all Orthodox inhabitants were described as Moldavians, or a difference between Orthodox Moldavians and Orthodox Ruthenians was marked. For Ruthenians (Orthodox and Greek Catholic) and their language there was no common name. All Roman Catholics were sometimes considered as Germans and Hungarians. Despite that, Catholic Church in Bukovуna from its beginning was multi-ethnic and multi-language. The ambiguity of terms is shown by the problem with distinguishing Catholic Poles and Slovaks. On the other hand, there was even a case of mistaking Ruthenians for Poles. Ethnicity and confession in Bukovina were entangled with each other, but with no strict connection, like the one functioning in Galicia (Polish Roman Catholics and Ruthenian Greek Catholics). The situation was much more complicated. The mixture of ethnicities among the faithful in both Orthodox and Catholic Churches was a factor of highest importance for the development of famous Bukovуnian tolerance. Keywords: Bukovina, ethnicity, religion, terminology

Roman Catholic Relief and the Leicester Election of 1826

1940 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 199-223
Author(s):  
R. W. Greaves
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Other ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Corn Laws ◽  
Widespread Interest

“The election cry”, wrote the first Lord Colchester to his friend Lord Amherst, after the general election of 1826, “has been upon the Corn Laws, the Abolition of Slavery, and the Roman Catholic claims.” Not dissimilarly, the Annual Register reported that the subjects most canvassed in the election were the corn laws and Roman catholic emancipation. Croker found attention concentrated on what he called “the three C's”, corn, currency and catholics. On the other hand, Peel, observing more precisely, not merely recognised the widespread interest in the catholic question, but also was equally impressed by the importance in the various contests of personal and local rivalries. For parliamentary elections when contested were still, as in the eighteenth century, determined very largely by local loyalties, although national issues begin to play a larger part.

scholarly journals On the date of and reasons for the writing of Theodosius’s life of St Sava

2017 ◽  
pp. 3-20
Author(s):  
Branislav Todic
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
The Other ◽  
Roman Catholic Church ◽  
The Past ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One

The Old Serbian writer Theodosius wrote his Life of St Sava according to the older hagiography composed by Domentianus in 1253/4. Both authors were Hilandar monks and wrote the hagiographies of the first Serbian archbishop on Mount Athos. Unlike Domentianus?s work, Theodosius?s Life has not been dated with precision. Helpful in establishing the date of his Life of St Sava are its manuscript copying tradition and reception in Serbian literature and the analysis of its content. This paper shows that from 1317 the Serbian writers Nicodemus and Daniel II drew on Theodosius?s hagiography, which pushes its date further back into the past. On the other hand, the content of the Life suggests that it was written between 1284 and 1292 because it refers to the river Sava as Serbia?s border with Hungary (which it became in 1284), and describes the monastery of Zica as it was before the destruction it sustained in 1292. Both pieces of information have long been noticed and properly explained. Helpful in establishing the date of writing with more precision may also be an examination of the reasons which led to the writing of a new hagiography of St Sava only thirty years after the one written by Domentianus. Among several possible explanations proposed so far, the one discussed in detail here is the different attitude of the two hagiographers towards Rome and the Roman Catholic Church. In Theodosius?s case, it is markedly disapproving. Therefore, the assumption that the union of Lyon (1274-1282) and the developments on Mount Athos linked with it were the reason for writing a new hagiography is accepted and strengthened with further arguments. The new Life gave a much more idealized hagiographic portrayal of St Sava and enriched his image with a new perception of Orthodoxy which made sense only at the time of the triumphant mood inspired by the failure of the union. The proposed conclusion is that Theodosius did not begin writing his Life of St Sava until after 1285, when the condemnation of the patriarch John Bekkos of Constantinople and his teachings put an end to the union of Lyon. The Life could not have been written much after that year either because its tendentiousness had lost all significance already in the 1290s.

scholarly journals ‘The Edification of the Church’: Richard Hooker’s Theology of Worship and the Protestant Inward / Outward Disjunction

Perichoresis ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-18
Author(s):  
W. Bradford Littlejohn
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
The Other ◽  
Clear Distinction ◽  
Catholic Theology ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One ◽  
The Church ◽  
Public Worship

ABSTRACT Sixteenth-century English Protestants struggled with the legacy left them by the Lutheran reformation: a strict disjunction between inward and outward that hindered the development of a robust theology of worship. For Luther, outward forms of worship had more to do with the edification of the neighbour than they did with pleasing God. But what exactly did ‘edification’ mean? On the one hand, English Protestants sought to avoid the Roman Catholic view that certain elements of worship held an intrinsic spiritual value; on the other hand, many did not want to imply that forms of worship were spiritually arbitrary and had a merely civil value. Richard Hooker developed his theology of worship in response to this challenge, seeking to maintain a clear distinction between the inward worship of the heart and the outward forms of public worship, while refusing to disassociate the two. The result was a concept of edification which sought to do justice to both civil and spiritual concerns, without, pace Peter Lake and other scholars, conceding an inch to a Catholic theology of worship

scholarly journals Orthodoxy – the symbolic language of the drama July by Ivan Vyrypaev

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-238
Author(s):  
Magdalena Małgorzata Karlikowska-Pąsiek
Keyword(s):  
Modern Society ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
The Other ◽  
Symbolic Language ◽  
Inverted Hierarchy ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Senses ◽  
Orthodox Theology ◽  
Way Of Thinking ◽  
The Church

Aim. The aim of the paper is to interpret and analyse Orthodox symbols through the prism of the Orthodox theology. Methods. The senses of the Orthodox symbolism as proposed by the artist are not always compliant with Orthodox doctrine. Therefore, in order to fully understand the sense of Ivan Vyrypaev’s drama, it is necessary to first decode the Orthodox symbols that make up the language of the work discussed. For this reason, the major Orthodox symbols occurring in July will be listed at the very beginning of the paper. Then, they will be discussed in the context of the Orthodox theology as well as the artist’s own words. This task will contribute to the decoding of the language of I. Vyrypaev’s work. Results. According to I. Vyrypaev, the cruelty of a patient of the Smolensk madhouse is an inverted hierarchy of values which at the same time serves as his path of inquiry. On the other hand, the superficial attitudes, such as good, culture, humanitarianism, liberal values or democracy are obstacles (demons) which he has to overcome in order to find himself and God. The Orthodox symbols in July are allegories by means of which the author wants to show the main hero’s path to the truth. Furthermore, a justification for this way of thinking is one of the mottos that I. Vyrypaev included in July.             Conclusions. In the drama July, I. Vyrypaev utilised the following sacral symbols: the theological significance of the Church in the Orthodox faith, the idea of communality, the concept of Orthodox humility as well as the idea of deification and martyrdom. The threads of the Orthodox symbolism used by I. Vyrypaev are superficial and should not be interpreted literally. The author consciously inverts the hierarchy of the Orthodox symbols in his work in order to show the bewilderment and corruption of the modern society. In the drama July I. Vyrypaev is more focused on being inspired by the Orthodox culture than on closely reflecting its senses. The symbolism of the altar and the ideas of martyrdom as applied in July are similar to the Christian symbols in the Roman Catholic approach.

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