Introduction

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Julio F. Carrión
Keyword(s):  
Regime Change ◽  
Full Scale ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Hybrid Regimes ◽  
Significant Power ◽  
Alberto Fujimori ◽  
Hugo Chavez ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Institutional Actors ◽  
Scholarly Attention

The global rise of populism is driving a process of democratic erosion. Accordingly, scholarly attention has shifted from processes of democratization to de-democratization trajectories; or, how democracies perish after they have transitioned from authoritarianism. This chapter distinguishes between populism (a political strategy) and competitive authoritarianism (a regime type). The chapter enumerates the conceptual contributions of this book, primarily, that the rise to power of populism can lead to regime change by creating significant power asymmetries. However, while unconstrained populism in power can lead to hybrid regimes or even full-scale authoritarianism, strong judiciaries, and other institutional actors, can contain or constrain populism in power, preventing regime change. The chapter offers a new definition of populism that includes a governance dimension that is missing in other definitions and argues that Alberto Fujimori, Hugo Chávez, Álvaro Uribe, Evo Morales, and Rafael Correa are examples of populism.

A Comparison of Several Strategies to Optimize a Ship’s Aft Body

2011 ◽  
Vol 27 (04) ◽  
pp. 202-211
Author(s):  
Auke van der Ploeg
Keyword(s):  
Viscous Flow ◽  
Scale Effects ◽  
Full Scale ◽  
Ship Hull ◽  
Hull Form ◽  
Wake Field ◽  
Hull Forms ◽  
Definition Of

This paper describes a procedure to optimize ship hull forms, based on double body viscous flow computations with PARNASSOS. A flexible and effective definition of parametric hull form variations is used, based on interpolation between basis hull forms. One of the object functions is an estimate of the required power. In this paper we will focus on how to improve this estimate, by using the B-series of propellers. Results of systematic variations applied to the VIRTUE tanker together with scale effects in the computed trends will be discussed. In addition, we will demonstrate how the techniques discussed in this paper can be used to design a model that has a wake field that strongly resembles the wake of a given containership ship at full scale.

The Hobbesian Moment

2021 ◽  
pp. 103-148
Author(s):  
Julio F. Carrión
Keyword(s):  
Institutional Change ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Inflection Point ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
Chief Executives ◽  
Political Dominance ◽  
Electoral Democracy ◽  
Permissive Condition ◽  
Hybrid Regime ◽  
Institutional Actors

This chapter reviews how once in power, populist leaders try to assert their political dominance, which is invariably contested by some societal and institutional actors, and shows how this moment of decisive political confrontation determines the ulterior trajectory of the populist government. If populist chief executives succeed during this moment, an aggrandized executive emerges and electoral democracy will transition to a hybrid regime; if they are defeated or constrained, the possibility of regime change is averted. The chapter identifies the permissive and productive conditions that explain the failure or success of populist leaders in emerging victorious from this inflection point. The key permissive condition is voters’ support for radical institutional change. The key productive condition is the ability of populist leaders to use the state’s repressive apparatus to impose their political will. An additional productive condition is sometimes present: the organization and mobilization of low-income voters to support the populist project.

scholarly journals Making Sense of Competitive Authoritarianism: Lessons from the Andes

2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maxwell A. Cameron
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Electoral Institutions ◽  
Hybrid Regimes ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Competitive Authoritarianism ◽  
Making Sense ◽  
The Andes ◽  
Electoral Regime ◽  
Definition Of

AbstractScholarly attention has increasingly shifted from diminished subtypes of democracy to hybrid regimes, particularly competitive authoritarianism. Such regimes retain democracy’s formal features while failing to meet its minimum standards. When properties of distinct concepts like democracy and authoritarianism are combined, however, confusion, inaccuracy, and mischaracterization of cases may occur. By disaggregating political systems into electoral institutions, surrounding rights and freedoms, constitutionalism, and the rule of law, this article complicates the binary distinction between a midrange definition of democracy and competitive authoritarianism. A number of Andean cases are found to fall on the spectrum of defective democracies between these categories. Defective democracies break down when rulers violate the conditions necessary for institutionalized alternation in power by means of public participation and loyal opposition in an electoral regime. Given leaders’ reliance on electoral legitimacy, however, even defective democracies may prove surprisingly resilient.

Are there hybrid regimes? Or are they just an optical illusion?

2009 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leonardo Morlino
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Institutional Arrangement ◽  
Hybrid Regimes ◽  
Optical Illusion ◽  
Good Definition ◽  
Related Literature ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Hybrid Regime

In recent years there has been growing interest and a related literature on hybrid regimes. Is there a good definition of such an institutional arrangement? Are there actually sets of stabilized, political institutions that can be labelled in this way? Is it possible that within the widespread process of democracy diffusion these are only ‘transitional’ regimes and the most suitable distinction is still the old one, suggested by Linz and traditionally accepted, between democracy and authoritarianism? This article addresses and responds to these questions by pinpointing the pertinent analytic dimensions, starting with definitions of ‘regime’, ‘authoritarianism’, and ‘democracy’; by defining what a ‘hybrid regime’ is; by trying to answer the key question posed in the title; by disentangling the cases of proper hybrid regimes from the cases of transitional phases; and by proposing a typology of hybrid regimes. Some of the main findings and conclusions refer to the lack of institutions capable of performing their functions as well as the key elements for achieving possible changes towards democracy.

scholarly journals Conceptualising democracy within the post-Soviet setting

2005 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 5-19
Author(s):  
Jørgen Møller
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Research ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Hybrid Regimes ◽  
Transition Processes ◽  
Scholarly Community ◽  
Hard Time ◽  
Point Of Departure ◽  
Half Decade

As regards the democratic potential of the former Soviet states, the scholarly community was divided into an optimistic and a pessimistic camp when communism broke down in 1989-1991. Almost one-and-a-half decade later, neither of these camps’ predictions have been confirmed. Instead, hybrid regimes – combining pluralistic and authoritarian traits – have seized the day in the post-Soviet realms. The study of regime change has had a hard time grasping this political phenomenon conceptually. In order to pave the way for empirical research, it is necessary to deal a new deck of cards, to revisit the definitions of democracy with the actual transition processes in mind. The present paper aims to do precisely this. Emphasising both the electoral and the liberal component of democracy, with assistance from classic and contemporary authors, the paper arrives at a fourfold typology of the political regime form. This typology, and the conceptualisation it rests on, is logically exhaustive and able to set dissimilar countries apart. Hence, it provides a useful point of departure for elucidating the post-Soviet transition processes empirically

scholarly journals The Limits of Equality The Intersectionality of Gender and Sexuality in Spanish Policy Making

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raquel Platero Méndez
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Gender And Sexuality ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Political Intersectionality ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Law Texts

In the course of less than forty  years, the Spanish political and cultural scenario has changed drastically, particularly in relation to civil rights. Social movements, especially feminist and LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender) organizations, have been successful in putting demands on the political agenda that have translated into gender equality, same-sex and transgender laws. Looking at definitions of equality, this article explores the implications of some postmodern theories that promote the analysis of political intersectionality for some of the recent laws that are presented as progressive and transformative in Spanish policy making. The analysis will explore two case studies:  samesex marriage and equality policy law texts, discussing the conception of intersectionality and equality. In addition, the definition of the feminist political strategy in which these policies are framed is addressed. Both case studies show that the policies are conceptualized within a liberal and assimilationist framework, since neither the male norm nor the sexual order is profoundly questioned.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fred Dallmayr
Keyword(s):  
Paradigm Shift ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
Empty Space ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Claude Lefort ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
Democratic Equality ◽  
Definition Of

Tocqueville asserted that the principle of democratic equality is a “providential fact.” In its actual unfolding, however, the “providential” aspect was replaced by a strictly empirical, humanly engineered process or development, and the spirit of “equality” gave way to the unleashing of unlimited self-interest, which produced growing inequality. This chapter traces the transformation from a qualitative conception into a purely quantitative, empirical, and “minimalist” definition of democracy. Apart from violating equality, the transformation also ignores the “paradigm shift” of democracy (vis-à-vis monarchy): that popular sovereignty cannot be occupied, but remains (in the terms of Claude Lefort) an “empty space.” The chapter also discusses the steady globalization of this definition, meaning the transfer of liberal minimalism from the Western “center” to the non-Western “periphery,” often through policies of “regime change.” In this manner, the domestic rise of inequality is paralleled by the rise of global elitism and hegemonic domination.

Towards a theory of grotesque transparency: The case of Hugo Chávez

2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (6) ◽  
pp. 653-668 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isaac Nahon-Serfaty
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Social Criticism ◽  
Public Performance ◽  
Presidential Speech ◽  
Hugo Chavez ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Rhetorical Narrative

The main objective of this article is to lay the foundations of a theory of grotesque transparency that looks into the aesthetics of ‘ocular politics’. Inspired by Ramón del Valle-Inclán’s definition of the esperpento – a grotesque representation of the hero – this interpretative schema uncovers the rhetorical, narrative and iconic mechanisms that constitute a form of political communication that creates the illusion of total affective disclosure. We tested the premises of this theory by studying a public performance of the now-deceased Venezuela President Hugo Chávez where discursive genres overlap (presidential speech, comic soundbites and preacher’s homily), dissolving the ‘truth’ in an ‘excess of transparency’, and also performing a function of social criticism through desecration of institutional formalities.

Poulantzas lesen. Zur Aktualität marxistischer Staatstheorie

2009 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 143-156
Author(s):  
Julian Müller
Keyword(s):  
State Theory ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Democratic Socialism ◽  
Capitalist State ◽  
Subject Areas ◽  
Balance Of Forces ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right ◽  
Supranational Institutions

AbstractThis review discusses a collection of papers on Nicos Poulantzas's contribution to Marxist state-theory and socialist strategy. Chapters are grouped into three subject-areas: theory and method; globalisation; political strategy. Particular attention is paid to Poulantzas's definition of the state and methodology for investigating concrete state-forms. Poulantzas gives primacy to the balance of forces between classes, which raises two questions: Should his approach be integrated with theories which emphasise the formal aspects of the capitalist state? Can power-relations other than those between classes be integrated into a Poulantzian framework? Poulantzas's work is also relevant to the study of globalisation and supranational actors. First, his investigations of the internationalisation of capital and different fractions of the bourgeoisie help us analyse developments since the 1970s. Second, his theory of the state and its functions provide a benchmark for assessing to which degree national states have been superseded by inter-/supranational institutions such as the EU. Regarding political strategy, the focus is on the path towards democratic socialism. Questions raised concern primarily the right mixture of struggles inside and outside the institutions of parliamentary democracy.

Amoral Communities

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mila Dragojević
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
Ethnic Identities ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Self Defense ◽  
Conflict Zone ◽  
Targeted Violence ◽  
Violence Against Civilians ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Mass Killings

This book examines how conditions conducive to atrocities against civilians are created during wartime in some communities. It identifies the exclusion of moderates and the production of borders as the main processes. In these places, political and ethnic identities become linked and targeted violence against civilians becomes both tolerated and justified by the respective authorities as a necessary sacrifice for a greater political goal. The book augments the literature on genocide and civil wars by demonstrating how violence can be used as a political strategy, and how communities, as well as individuals, remember episodes of violence against civilians. It focuses on Croatia in the 1990s, and Uganda and Guatemala in the 1980s. In each case, it is considered how people who have lived peacefully as neighbors for many years are suddenly transformed into enemies, yet intracommunal violence is not ubiquitous throughout the conflict zone; rather, it is specific to particular regions or villages within those zones. As the book describes, the exclusion of moderates and the production of borders limit individuals' freedom to express their views, work to prevent the possible defection of members of an in-group, and facilitate identification of individuals who are purportedly a threat. Even before mass killings begin, the book finds, these and similar changes will have transformed particular villages or regions into amoral communities, places where the definition of crime changes and violence is justified as a form of self-defense by perpetrators.

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