Are there hybrid regimes? Or are they just an optical illusion?

2009 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leonardo Morlino

In recent years there has been growing interest and a related literature on hybrid regimes. Is there a good definition of such an institutional arrangement? Are there actually sets of stabilized, political institutions that can be labelled in this way? Is it possible that within the widespread process of democracy diffusion these are only ‘transitional’ regimes and the most suitable distinction is still the old one, suggested by Linz and traditionally accepted, between democracy and authoritarianism? This article addresses and responds to these questions by pinpointing the pertinent analytic dimensions, starting with definitions of ‘regime’, ‘authoritarianism’, and ‘democracy’; by defining what a ‘hybrid regime’ is; by trying to answer the key question posed in the title; by disentangling the cases of proper hybrid regimes from the cases of transitional phases; and by proposing a typology of hybrid regimes. Some of the main findings and conclusions refer to the lack of institutions capable of performing their functions as well as the key elements for achieving possible changes towards democracy.

Author(s):  
P.E. Batson

Use of the STEM to obtain precise electronic information has been hampered by the lack of energy loss analysis capable of a resolution and accuracy comparable to the 0.3eV energy width of the Field Emission Source. Recent work by Park, et. al. and earlier by Crewe, et. al. have promised magnetic sector devices that are capable of about 0.75eV resolution at collection angles (about 15mR) which are great enough to allow efficient use of the STEM probe current. These devices are also capable of 0.3eV resolution at smaller collection angles (4-5mR). The problem that arises, however, lies in the fact that, even with the collection efficiency approaching 1.0, several minutes of collection time are necessary for a good definition of a typical core loss or electronic transition. This is a result of the relatively small total beam current (1-10nA) that is available in the dedicated STEM. During this acquisition time, the STEM acceleration voltage may fluctuate by as much as 0.5-1.0V.


Author(s):  
Johannes Lindvall

This chapter introduces the problem of “reform capacity” (the ability of political decision-makers to adopt and implement policy changes that benefit society as a whole, by adjusting public policies to changing economic, social, and political circumstances). The chapter also reviews the long-standing discussion in political science about the relationship between political institutions and effective government. Furthermore, the chapter explains why the possibility of compensation matters greatly for the politics of reform; provides a precise definition of the concept of reform capacity; describes the book's general approach to this problem; and discusses the ethics of compensating losers from reform; and presents the book's methodological approach.


Synthese ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neri Marsili

AbstractNot every speech act can be a lie. A good definition of lying should be able to draw the right distinctions between speech acts (like promises, assertions, and oaths) that can be lies and speech acts (like commands, suggestions, or assumptions) that under no circumstances are lies. This paper shows that no extant account of lying is able to draw the required distinctions. It argues that a definition of lying based on the notion of ‘assertoric commitment’ can succeed where other accounts have failed. Assertoric commitment is analysed in terms of two normative components: ‘accountability’ and ‘discursive responsibility’. The resulting definition of lying draws all the desired distinctions, providing an intensionally adequate analysis of the concept of lying.


2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-137
Author(s):  
Claudio Cannistrà ◽  
Angelo Trivisonno ◽  
Alexis Deschler ◽  
Celine Aboud ◽  
Melvin A. Shiffman ◽  
...  

The inframammary fold (IMF) is one of the most important landmarks that defines the breast region. Most of the current IMF reconstructive techniques are based on the creation of fibrotic structures to maintain the breast. We present a surgical technique of IMF reconstruction by the creation of a fascial flap underpinned by an anatomical evaluation of this structure and a simple algorithm to define the localization of the new IMF. Fifteen patients underwent our procedure of IMF reconstruction from 2004 to 2016. The patients were followed during at least 6 months after IMF reconstruction. This technique is based on the creation of a pectoralis major fascial flap fixed to the dermis by inverted resorbable sutures. The fascial flap represents a new ligament of the IMF reconstituting a physiological support. Cosmetic outcomes and stability over time were assessed. The long-term aesthetic outcome is optimal on all the patients treated with a natural shape and a good definition of the new IMF. There were no noted complications or revision surgery during the follow-up. Our technique consists of an anatomical reconstitution of IMF recreating a natural support “balcony-like” formed by the pectoralis fascia fixed to the dermis. This technique is useful to correct reconstructive or aesthetic procedures of the breast, with great cosmetic outcome and high reliability underpinned by the use of our position algorithm which is easy to use and enables a symmetrical position of the IMF.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Julio F. Carrión

The global rise of populism is driving a process of democratic erosion. Accordingly, scholarly attention has shifted from processes of democratization to de-democratization trajectories; or, how democracies perish after they have transitioned from authoritarianism. This chapter distinguishes between populism (a political strategy) and competitive authoritarianism (a regime type). The chapter enumerates the conceptual contributions of this book, primarily, that the rise to power of populism can lead to regime change by creating significant power asymmetries. However, while unconstrained populism in power can lead to hybrid regimes or even full-scale authoritarianism, strong judiciaries, and other institutional actors, can contain or constrain populism in power, preventing regime change. The chapter offers a new definition of populism that includes a governance dimension that is missing in other definitions and argues that Alberto Fujimori, Hugo Chávez, Álvaro Uribe, Evo Morales, and Rafael Correa are examples of populism.


Author(s):  
Ngok Ma ◽  
Edmund W. Cheng

Analysis of the 2014 Umbrella Movement speaks to three strands of academic literature: contentious politics and space, hybrid regimes and democratization, and social movements in China and Hong Kong. Based mostly on fieldwork conducted during the occupation, this book brings together 14 experts who studied the Umbrella Movement from different theoretical perspectives with different methodologies. The studies in the book analyze the occupation as a spontaneous and emotional contentious action, which made good use of public space and creative passion. They also show how civil resistance was shaped and constrained by the hybrid regime and situate the Hong Kong movement in a broader comparative perspective in reference to past student movements in China and protests in Taiwan and Macau.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maxwell A. Cameron

AbstractScholarly attention has increasingly shifted from diminished subtypes of democracy to hybrid regimes, particularly competitive authoritarianism. Such regimes retain democracy’s formal features while failing to meet its minimum standards. When properties of distinct concepts like democracy and authoritarianism are combined, however, confusion, inaccuracy, and mischaracterization of cases may occur. By disaggregating political systems into electoral institutions, surrounding rights and freedoms, constitutionalism, and the rule of law, this article complicates the binary distinction between a midrange definition of democracy and competitive authoritarianism. A number of Andean cases are found to fall on the spectrum of defective democracies between these categories. Defective democracies break down when rulers violate the conditions necessary for institutionalized alternation in power by means of public participation and loyal opposition in an electoral regime. Given leaders’ reliance on electoral legitimacy, however, even defective democracies may prove surprisingly resilient.


2006 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugene Hecht

2007 ◽  
Vol 101 (4) ◽  
pp. 781-798 ◽  
Author(s):  
GRAEME B. ROBERTSON

Existing theories of labor protest depend on independent organizations representing workers. However, in many countries most workers are either not organized at all or are in labor unions intended for control, not representation. This is particularly the case in partially liberalized or hybrid regimes where, despite the introduction of electoral competition, autonomous, democratic organizations representing labor are not well developed. Yet such workers do protest. Drawing on an original new dataset from one hybrid regime, post-Communist Russia, I develop a theory of labor protest and of the institutional mechanisms used by elites to influence it. Instead of being a function of union membership or characteristics of the information environment, as the existing literature would have it, protest occurs when it is in the interest of powerful elements of the elite, or when economic conditions are truly desperate.


2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Brownlee

This article revisits the electoral emphasis of hybrid regime studies, arguing instead that the impact of elections is structured by variations in prior political institutions, particularly the dismantlement or maintenance of a ruling party. Duration tests on 136 regimes indicate that ruling parties reduce the chance of regime collapse, while “electoral autocracy” has no significant effect. A paired comparison of Malaysia and the Philippines then shows how variations in party institutions propelled divergent courses of authoritarian dominance and democratization. During the late 1980s and 1990s, Malaysia's ruling party (UMNO) bound together otherwise fractious leaders, twice deflecting potent electoral challenges. By contrast, when Ferdinand Marcos abandoned the Nacionalista Party after 1972, he fueled the movement that would subsequently oust him. The efficacy of opposition parties Semangat '46 and United Nationalist Democratic Opposition (UNIDO) was thus heavily imbricated with the institutions of the regimes they challenged and less contingent on short-term electoral politics.


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