Conclusion

2021 ◽  
pp. 177-194
Author(s):  
Molly M. Melin

This conclusion returns to the book’s central puzzle, theoretical argument, and research questions. It synthesizes key findings and shows how the answers to the research questions make continued violence and civil war less puzzling, even in a world with many international actors taking steps to prevent and resolve them. It also returns to the conditions that encourage corporations to engage in peacebuilding: local factors that can help encourage private action. It concludes by discussing the implications for conflict prevention and resolution in an era with increasingly globalized economic ties and corporate power.

2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 306-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carmela Lutmar ◽  
Lesley G Terris

Leaders and leadership changes are found to influence states’ foreign policy decisions, in particular with respect to war and peace between states. Although this issue is also addressed in the qualitative literature on intrastate wars, the influence of leadership turnovers in civil war has received limited systematic attention. One reason for this is the scarcity of quantitative data on rebel group leaderships. To fill this gap, we present a comprehensive dataset on leadership changes in rebel groups, 1946–2010, organized by rebel-month. The effects of leadership changes among parties engaged in civil war are argued to be more complex than those found in interstate disputes. In this article we present our theoretical argument followed by presentation of the variables in the dataset and descriptive statistics. To demonstrate the potential research value of the dataset we examine the impact of leader shifts on civil war settlement in Africa. We conclude with avenues for future research which might benefit from this dataset.


1987 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 551-581 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shin'ichi Yonekawa

In this wide-ranging article, Professor Yonekawa identifies and examines in detail the burst of cotton spinning company formation that occurred in the late nineteenth century among the major cotton-producing nations of the world. His comparative approach allows him to focus on key local factors responsible for the company flotation booms in the areas discussed. He is also able to compare the effects of more general circumstances in the industry, such as trends in the price of raw cotton and the disruption during the American Civil War, on the various locations. Finally, his multinational approach brings to light many intriguing questions and illuminates areas for productive future research.


Author(s):  
Zarema Nazirovna GADZHIEVA

The agriculture of Daghestan, as well as the entire country, after the Civil War experienced a severe crisis, which manifested itself in the devastation and catastrophic fall of the productive forces. Whole auls (villages) were destroyed and plundered. Difficulties aggravated over the years of the Civil War because of the breakage of economic ties between the population of the mountains and lowlands, deterioration of agricultural machinery and implements, lack of seeds. With the establishment of Soviet power, a number of measures were taken for the radical improvement of the situation of the working peasantry. On the basis of the materials of the Central State Archive of the Republic of Daghestan, made was an attempt to show the severity of the consequences of the Civil War in the Daghestan region, especially in its rural areas.


Author(s):  
Yu. B. Ruger ◽  
A. A. Yurchenko ◽  
O. V. Shpyrnya

The article describes the conditions and nature of the transfer of the Kuban industry from the policy of “war communism” to the new economic policy. The economy was based on medium-sized and small-scale industries. Large enterprises were either closed or were on the verge of closure due to the Civil war, the General decline of the economy and the rupture of economic ties. Under these conditions, the creation of a system of trusts and the transfer of small and large parts of mediumsized enterprises to private hands, as required by the party and government, the transition to the NEP were not implemented. The created trusts included medium and small enterprises that provided economic stability to associations. Established during the Civil war, the administrative and managerial apparatus has been eliminated. Certain restrictions were imposed on the phraseology, slogans, that is, in fact, external manifestations of direct and strict leadership,” command “ of the industry. The administrative apparatus has not lost the levers of direct administrative management in the economy. Maintaining direct management over the trusts described actively fighting the existing administrative-command system for their survival. Once established, the system gradually regains its right to manage the entire economy. Following some democratization of government and the weakening of the dictatorship of the state over the economy, the methods of military communism once again became leading. But this will happen after the industry and the economy as a whole will be restored, thanks to the use of market methods of management.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 89-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. V. Sarabiev

Lebanon has a number of features that determine its special position in the region and its importance in the system of relations between the Middle East states. An important role in this is played by the ideological and strategic aspects of world politics in the region in which Lebanon is organically inscribed in both the historical and geopolitical plans. The stability of a country that has passed through a long civil war makes it stand out from a number of states in the region. The author's hypothesis is that the reason for the extraordinary stability — of Lebanese society, the system of state power, political elites, economic ties and foreign policy contacts, despite all the negative regional factors — can be rooted in the consociational principle of making key decisions based, paradoxically, on the notorious political confessionalism. The peculiarities of the Lebanese political model (although they are subject to well-deserved criticism) distinguish it from the multitude of “customary” democracies, bringing together with examples of the unique democratic systems of Europe and other continents. The motley confessional composition of society, along with the historically determined foreign policy guidelines of individual communities, suggested a special informal decision-making mechanism throughout the country — not on the basis of majority power, but on a contractual, compromise principle. Leading theorists of consociationalism often had in mind the Lebanese pattern of democracy in their political studies, and many of their developments are still well applicable for analyzing the functioning of the main state institutions of Lebanon. A theoretical study, along with an analysis of the current regional situation, convince the author of the correctness of the hypothesis put forward. Both in Lebanese history and now, it is the inveterate forms of external influences that forced Lebanese society to balance on the verge of aggravated intercommunal clashes. The combination of external factors served as the beginning and further warmed up the civil war. Heightened relations with Syria by 2005, the Israeli attack in 2006, the gravest threat from jihadi-caliphatists – all these factors have negatively affected intra-civil and inter-group relations. Stereotypical forms of use of religious communities (Shiites, Sunnis, Christians of different denominations, etc.) from the outside and even direct pressure from abroad continue to confront them, imposing ideas on social relations and political participation that are alien to Lebanese. Diversification of political and business contacts of Russia with representatives of different Lebanese communities can serve as a good example of Lebanon’s perception of all the features of its political system as a full subject of international relations.


2012 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-393 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burcu Savun ◽  
Daniel C. Tirone

AbstractThe recent civil war literature suggests that negative economic shocks in low-income countries increase the risk of civil war. Foreign aid can be an effective conflict-prevention tool in times of severe economic conditions. Aid cushions government spending from the downward pressures of economic shocks, providing recipient governments with resources they can use to make rebellion a less attractive option for aggrieved domestic groups. Using Official Development Assistance (ODA) data covering 1990 through 2004, we find that foreign aid appears to be a useful tool for preventing civil wars in the wake of negative economic shocks, and as such aid should be assessed by donors with these conflict-suppressing aspects in mind.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (13) ◽  
pp. 2029-2060 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara M. T. Polo ◽  
Belén González

Existing research has argued that terrorism is common in civil war because it is “effective.” Surprisingly, however, only some groups use terrorism during civil wars, while many refrain altogether. We also see considerable variation in the use of terrorism over time. This article presents a theory of terrorism as a mobilization strategy in civil war, taking into account benefits, costs, and temporal dynamics. We argue that the choice and the timing of terrorism arise from the interaction between conditions for effective mobilization and battlefield dynamics. Terrorism can mobilize support when it provokes indiscriminate government repression or when it radicalizes rebels’ constituency by antagonizing specific societal groups. The timing of attacks, however, is influenced by battlefield losses, which increase rebels’ need to rally civilian support. The analyses of new disaggregated data on rebels’ terrorist attacks during conflicts (1989–2009) and of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) tactics in Iraq and Syria support our theoretical argument.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135406612110064
Author(s):  
Corinne Bara ◽  
Annekatrin Deglow ◽  
Sebastian van Baalen

Violence after civil war is a challenge to sustainable peace. Many armed conflicts today are recurrences of previous wars and much of the literature on violence after war explains why armed groups return to the battlefield. But even if peace prevails, many other types of violence take place in postwar environments. This postwar violence is likewise subject to a growing multidisciplinary literature. Using citation network analysis, we show that research on war recurrence and postwar violence has developed in relative isolation from each other—although these phenomena are interrelated. This compartmentalization leads us to overlook important similarities and differences in the drivers of different forms of violence after war. We demonstrate this by reviewing the literature in both of these closely related fields. While war recurrence and postwar violence share a set of common risk factors, some factors can have opposite effects on the two outcomes. Because these insights only emerge when systematically comparing the two strands of literature, we propose a novel framework for the study of violence after wars that aims at overcoming the compartmentalization of research within these two fields. The framework serves both as a conceptual lens and an analytical tool to categorize and compare different forms of violence after war. We then outline how the framework aids scholars in pursuing an integrated research agenda, with concrete suggestions for research questions that should be studied to expand our understanding of violence after wars.


2021 ◽  
pp. 105-130
Author(s):  
Molly M. Melin

Colombia, having recently emerged from the longest ongoing civil war in the Western Hemisphere, offers evidence of the transformative effect of an emerging active private sector. As the country transitions through the challenges of disarmament and reintegration of rebel troops, private companies are also helping to build peace- and not just with their marketing campaigns. Through hiring practices, infrastructure projects, and economic investments, the private sector often helps “fill the gaps” where governments are unwilling or unable to provide needed goods and services. At the same time, their strong position at the negotiating table may have prolonged the conflict. This chapter explores the role of corporations in Colombia’s peace process.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 246-252
Author(s):  
Benjamin H. Johnson

The moniker “Gilded Age” invokes questions of wealth, class, and political economy. When paired with a subsequent “Progressive Era,” as in the name of this journal and the society that sponsors it, the implication is that economic developments after the Civil War gave rise to pressing questions of workplace safety, income distribution, monopoly, and the like, which reform and protest movements rightly sought to rectify. Whether to invoke the Gilded Age to describe the current era of U.S. history also centers on such questions: it makes sense to say that we are living in a Second Gilded Age, Thomas Piketty and others have argued, because inequalities of wealth and the rise of corporate power echo those of the 1880s and 1890s; or, respond skeptics like Heath Carter, it is not a helpful comparison because the cultural and organizational forces contesting inequality are so much weaker now.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document