The National Conservatoire System

2021 ◽  
pp. 33-70
Author(s):  
Katharine Ellis
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
General Trend ◽  
Pedagogical Approach ◽  
Mixed Economy ◽  
National System ◽  
System P ◽  
Educational Situation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Paris Conservatoire ◽  
Schola Cantorum

Discussion of the educational situation in Paris prepares the main arguments of chapters 1 and 2 in relation to nationalized and independent conservatoires in the provinces. Here, the soft power of the state-financed Paris Conservatoire (founded 1795) is contrasted with the more haphazard attempts of the privately funded Schola Cantorum (founded 1896) to act as a centralizing force. After the Revolution the cathedral choir school (maîtrise) system was initially replaced by the Paris Conservatoire alone, but the need for a deconcentrated national system of succursales was keenly felt. However, the Paris Conservatoire’s pedagogical approach could not immediately be imposed on provincial institutions, and some municipalities guarded their independence. A mixed economy of resistance and compliance resulted in a general trend towards homogenization (unity in uniformity) but more decentralist variety and ambition than the government ministry overseeing them found ideal. The Schola Cantorum showed similar centralizing tendencies but could not achieve significant institutional traction.

QUESTIONS OF PERFECTION OF THE GOVERNMENT WITH A VIEW OF REDUCTION OF INVESTMENT RISKS AT DEVELOPMENT OF DIGITAL SYSTEMS WITH AN ARTIFICIAL INTELLECT

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (8(77)) ◽  
pp. 48-54
Author(s):  
N.A. Novickij
Keyword(s):  
Digital Economy ◽  
Digital Systems ◽  
Economic Systems ◽  
National System ◽  
New Approaches ◽  
The Government

Questions of the government are considered(examined) by economy at development of digital systems with искуственным intelligence. Global tendencies of formation of digital economic systems are investigated. Market preconditions of development of digital systems are proved. Program methods of formation of digital systems new approaches of the organization digital уоправления by reinvestment cycles with искуственным intelligence are considered Are determined. Legal and legislative principles of creation of National system of the government are recommended digital economy.

scholarly journals When Interbranch Norms Break Down: Of Arms-for-Hostages, "Orderly Shutdowns, "Presidential Impeachments, and Judicial Coups

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter M. Shane
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Government ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
National System ◽  
Effective Operation ◽  
Political Conservatism ◽  
Per Se ◽  
The Government

The orderly and effective operation of our national system of government was intended to depend to an exceptional degree upon certain norms of cooperation among its competing branches. The strength of those norms is essential to securing the primary political asset that our government design was intended to help realize: an especially robust form of democratic legitimacy. From this standpoint, it is constitutionally worrisome that norms critical to inter-branch cooperation are coming under heedless assault. To illustrate the problem, this article revisits four critical episodes that have involved destabilizing and antidemocratic initiatives, each undertaken by a branch of the national government while in the control of the current, very conservative generation of Republican party leadership: the Iran-Contra affair, the government shutdown of 1995, the impeachment of President Clinton, and the Senate stonewalling of President Clinton's judicial nominations. The repeated willingness of the Republican Party's most conservative elements to engage in such initiatives is not rooted in political conservatism per se. It reflects rather the narrowing social and ideological base of the Republican Party, and is consistent with a contempt for democratic pluralism that characterizes the constitutional outlook of leading Republican legal theorists. Unless matters are improved, the United States may otherwise be headed towards a new political equilibrium that does considerable violence to America's modern practice of democratic legitimacy.

scholarly journals Soft Power Rich, Public Diplomacy Poor: An Assessment of Taiwan's External Communications

2017 ◽  
Vol 232 ◽  
pp. 982-1001
Author(s):  
Gary Rawnsley
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Government Information ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
Political Warfare ◽  
Cultural Themes ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
External Communications

AbstractAccepting that Taiwan has accumulated “soft power” since the introduction of democratic reforms in the late 1980s, this paper assesses Taiwan's external communications during Ma Ying-jeou's presidency and how its soft power resources have been exercised. Demonstrating the strategic turn from political warfare to public and cultural diplomacy, the paper begins with the premise that the priority must be to increase familiarity with Taiwan among foreign publics. It then argues that any assessment of external communications in the Ma administration must consider the impact of two key decisions: first, the dissolution of the Government Information Office and the transfer of its responsibilities for international communications to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a new Ministry of Culture, and second, the priority given to cultural themes in Taiwan's external communications.

Ireland: Coalition Politics in a Fragmenting Party System

2021 ◽  
pp. 357-395
Author(s):  
Paul Mitchell
Keyword(s):  
Life Cycle ◽  
Party System ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Limited Government ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
Coalition Politics ◽  
System P ◽  
Fianna Fail ◽  
The Government ◽  
Almost All

Ireland is a parliamentary democracy created as a result of a revolutionary secession from the United Kingdom. While Ireland has many institutional and administrative features that are quite similar to the Westminster model, there are also some important departures, most notably the adoption of limited government via a written constitution, and the adoption of PR-STV which has facilitated the formation of coalition governments. For most of the twentieth century (up until 1989 at least) a Fianna Fáil single-party government was the default outcome of the government-formation process, though many of these cabinets were ‘large’ minority administrations. The only method of ejecting Fianna Fáil was for the second- and third-largest parties (Fine Gael and Labour) to form a coalition government, which they did on a number of occasions. The bargaining environment permanently changed in 1989 when Fianna Fáil broke the habit of a lifetime and entered its first coalition with the Progressive Democrats. Since then almost all governments have been coalitions. This chapter examines the life cycle of coalition government in Ireland: formation, governance, and dissolution. Coalition agreements have evolved over the decades and have become much more important, detailed, and hence more lengthy. The coalition programme plays a key role in the work of the cabinet and the relations between the parties. The increasingly detailed coalition agreements are a very important commitment device during the life cycle of coalition governments. The increasing fragmentation of the party system has meant that coalition formation bargaining has become more challenging.

6. The administrative justice system

2021 ◽  
pp. 160-196
Author(s):  
Martin Partington
Keyword(s):  
Justice System ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Administrative Law ◽  
Institutional Framework ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
System P ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Administrative Justice

This chapter focuses on administrative justice. It reflects on the nature of administrative law and the role it plays in modern society, overseeing the relationship between the citizen and the state. Once again adopting the holisitic approach, the chapter discusses not only the role of the courts, but also the tribunals, ombudsmen, and other bodies and processes that together make up the institutional framework of administrative justice. It notes some of the key changes being introduced as a result of the Transformation Programme and the response to the COVID-19 pandemic. It also considers the particular responsibilities of Members of Parliament in holding the Government to account. In addition, it asks who has general oversight of the system and whether current oversight arrangements are adequate.

7. What works?

2014 ◽  
pp. 116-118
Author(s):  
Avinash Dixit
Keyword(s):  
Political Competition ◽  
Competitive Markets ◽  
Efficient Manner ◽  
Mixed Economy ◽  
Social Organizations ◽  
What Works ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government

Given the long list of defects in markets and governments outlined in this VSI, the world has not fared too badly. ‘What works?’ concludes that a mixed economy — where competitive markets or similar institutions generate information about scarcity and create incentives to alleviate the scarcity in a reasonably efficient manner, where antitrust policies keep the markets open to competition, where the government and other social organizations help overcome the inefficiencies of externalities, and where political competition acts as a corrective mechanism against abuses of power and serious errors of judgement — is the best way of organizing microeconomic activity.

The Circulation of Value in Civil Society and the State

Hegel's Value ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 222-275
Author(s):  
Dean Moyar
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Living Organism ◽  
The State ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
System P ◽  
Full Structure ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Right

This chapter utilizes the structure of life and valid inference to analyze the internal structure of Civil Society and the State as well as the relationship between the two institutional spheres. The chapter unpacks the passage from the Logic in which Hegel describes the State as a totality of inferences with the three terms of individuals, their needs, and the government. It is shown that the “system of needs” itself forms a quasi-living institutional system of estates centered on the division of labor. This system’s inadequacy motivates the role of the “police” and corporation as ethical agencies, forms of the Good, within Civil Society. While the move to the State overcomes the individualism of “needs,” the right of the individual remains in the dynamics of “settling one’s own account” in receiving from the State a return on one’s duty to the State. Hegel treats the State proper as a constitution consisting of three powers of government that form a totality of inferential relations that has the full structure of a living organism. The executive power is examined in detail as the particularizing element in the system.

Economic institutions and institutional change in Turkey during the neoliberal era

2012 ◽  
Vol 47 ◽  
pp. 57-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
İzak Atiyas
Keyword(s):  
Institutional Change ◽  
Construction Industry ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
General Trend ◽  
Policy Framework ◽  
Economic Institutions ◽  
Rule Based ◽  
Turkish Economy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Discretionary Powers

AbstractIn the last three decades, the Turkish economy has become much more open and market-oriented. This paper provides an account of the changes in the underlying economic institutions that have accompanied this transformation. In particular, it assesses whether or not new economic institutions have emerged that constrain the discretionary powers of the executive in the area of economic policy and whether institutional change has resulted in a more rule-based and transparent policy framework. The story that broadly emerges is that the first two decades of the neoliberal era were predominantly a period of increased discretion at the expense of rules. By contrast, after the crisis of 2000-2001 one witnesses a substantial delegation of decision-making power to relatively independent agencies, and the establishment of rules that constrain the discretion of the executive. But this transformation is not uniform across sectors, and there are divergences between the de jure rules and their de facto implementation. Moreover, there are also examples that do not fit the general trend, especially in the case of the construction industry. Finally, recent signs suggest that the government may be having second thoughts about the “excessive” independence of regulatory and policy making bodies.

Shifting Reputations for “Moderation”: Evidence from Qatar, Jordan, and Morocco

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-129
Author(s):  
Annelle R. Sheline
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Strategic Maneuvering ◽  
Policy Changes ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Ethnographic Fieldwork ◽  
Religious Intolerance ◽  
The Government

The article examines the monarchies of Qatar, Jordan, and Morocco to demonstrate how specific policies and ideologies do not necessarily correspond with the label of “moderate,” which instead primarily reflects a reputational strategy. Prior to 2011, Qatar had cultivated an image as a relatively “liberal” Gulf monarchy, but although few policy changes occurred, after 2011 the emirate was seen as sponsoring terrorism. The government of Morocco developed a reputation for promoting “moderate Islam,” yet religious intolerance persists, while the Jordanian regime has focused less on cultivating a moderate image than previously. Government efforts to develop a specific reputation reflect strategic maneuvering for both international religious soft power as well as consolidation of domestic control. Combining nine months of ethnographic fieldwork involving interviews with government officials, religious bureaucrats, and embassy personnel, the paper offers insights into how the strategic use of reputation has shifted in the post-2011 context.

Structure, Audience and Soft Power in East Asian Pop Culture

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beng Huat Chua
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Target Location ◽  
East Asian ◽  
Pop Culture ◽  
Positive Influence ◽  
Ethnic Chinese ◽  
Market Expansion ◽  
Majority Population ◽  
The Government ◽  
Consuming Country

The emergence of East Asian Pop Culture as an integrated regional media cultural economy is a result of the penetration of Japanese and Korean pop cultures into the historically well established distribution and exhibition networks of Chinese languages pop culture in locations where ethnic-Chinese constitutes the majority population; namely, Taiwan, Hong Kong, the People’s Republic of China and Singapore. Regionalization has produced transnational and transcultural audience communities of different scale in different reception locations, from those looking merely to be entertained to conventional fan clubs to sub-fan community who translates and subtitles foreign programs for free distribution on the Internet, bypassing state censorship and circuits of profit for the producers. In regional political economy, pop culture has become both a vehicle of transnational collaboration for co-production and market expansion and an instrument of competition in soft power diplomacy, which aims to produce positive sentiments towards the exporting nation among the target audiences. The exporting nation’s achievement in engendering such positive influence is limited by the fragmented nature of the audiences who respond differently to the same products; by backlash from local mobilization against ‘foreign cultural invasion’ in ‘defence’ of the national culture, among the non-consumers in the target location and, finally, by the government of the PRC, the largest consuming country, to control the flow of import, restrict exhibition time and encourage co-production which enables it to shape the content of the co-produced programs.

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