Scripturalizing and the Second Amendment

Author(s):  
Rosamond C. Rodman

Expanding beyond the text of the Bible, this chapter explores instead a piece of political scripture, namely the Second Amendment of the US Constitution. Over the last half-decade, the Second Amendment has come to enjoy the status of a kind of scripture-within-scripture. Vaulted to a much more prominent status than it had held in the first 150 years or so of its existence, and having undergone a remarkable shift in what most Americans think it means, the Second Amendment provides an opportunity to examine the linguistic, racial, and gendered modes by which these changes were effected, paying particular attention to the ways in which white children and white women were conscripted into the role of the masculine, frontier-defending US citizen.

2021 ◽  
pp. 73-112
Author(s):  
Robert Schütze

This chapter examines the internal composition, internal powers, and internal procedures of the European Parliament, the European Council, and the Council of Ministers. It begins by looking at the role of the separation-of-powers principle in the European Union. Unlike the US Constitution, the EU Treaties do not discuss each institution within the context of one governmental function. Instead, each institution has ‘its’ article in the Treaty on European Union, whose first section then describes the combination of governmental functions in which it partakes. The European Treaties have thus ‘set up a system for distributing powers among different [Union] institutions’. And it is this conception of the separation-of-powers principle that informs Article 13(2) TEU. The provision is thus known as the principle of interinstitutional balance.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 162
Author(s):  
Jennifer Marra

Many of Ernst Cassirer’s later works are concerned with the dangers of political myth. His analysis speaks at length about the role of philosophy during the rise of the Third Reich, and Cassirer argues that philosophers failed to combat the dominant ideology. Today, philosophers struggle to explain their relevance to greater public and governmental powers that see no intrinsic value. Given the current political situation in the US, we find ourselves at a crossroads as philosophers. We can either retreat and remain within the comforts of academia, or we can take up arms against dangerous and divisive political forces. If we take Cassirer’s prescriptions seriously, we must choose the latter. Fortunately, philosophy has not disappeared from public consciousness completely. An emerging theme in contemporary cultural studies is the exploration of connections between humour and philosophy. I argue we ought to take advantage of the status of the comedian as public philosopher, and for philosophers to take seriously the political power of comedians. To do this responsibly, I analyse a portion of Cassirer’s work that has been widely ignored in scholarship – his understanding of the politics and morality of humour. By analysing these passages in relation to Cassirer’s later works, we are given the tools to understand the power of humour in political discourse, as well as the responsibility of that power. I argue that “joking responsibly”, for Cassirer, means to reveal the motives and values which underlie sophistry, particularly the sort which lends itself to political manipulation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 678-708
Author(s):  
Marina Kostic

Th? paper focuses on the research of general possibilities and limitations of the multilateralization of the strategic arms control negotiations and particularly the inclusion of China in these negotiations because, during 2019 and 2020, the US conditioned the extension of the New START Treaty with China?s involvement in the trilateral strategic arms control negotiations. By doing so, the US recognised China as an important factor influencing the maintenance of strategic stability and possibilities for further reduction of strategic arms. The main hypothesis is the claim that the limitations still overcome the possibilities regarding the multilateralization of the strategic arms control negotiation, and that the prospects of involving China in this kind of negotiation remain minimal. This hypothesis was tested through theoretical deliberation based on the notion of strategic stability, and its transformation during the Cold War until today, as well as on four indicators or preconditions of China?s involvement in the strategic arms control, which are: 1) quantitative reduction of the number of nuclear arms of the US and Russia to China?s level; 2) decrease of the role of nuclear weapons in the national security and defense strategies of the great powers; 3) decrease of the role of nuclear weapons as the status symbol of the great power or superpower and 4) conclusion of the multilateral international agreement (not trilateral) on limitations on the use of nuclear weapons. The author uses the methods of content and discourse analysis, as well as the comparative method. The author concludes that the absence of the intention of the US and Russia to further reduce their strategic arms and decrease the role of nuclear weapons in their security and defense strategies, as well as the absence of consent on which parties or actors should be included in the arms control talks and China?s general suspicion about the effectiveness of the arms control agreements, influence China not to take part on any strategic arms control talks at this moment.


Author(s):  
V. M. Mukhanov

The article attempts to analyze the current situation in Transcaucasia and identify the main actors, factors of influence and forces that shape the processes of domestic development in a number of republics of the region. The author comes to the conclusion that the region is in a state of “cooldown”, after 25 years of almost continual instability which, in turn, was a source of numerous internal conflicts. However, broad analysis of internal situation in the states of Transcaucasia with the inclusion of foreign influences shows a more complex landscape. Major players, such as the US and Russia, avoid increasing their presence in the region, which opens a wideWINDOW of opportunities for regional powers, such as Turkey and Iran. Against the background of decreasing interest in Transcaucasia by the world leaders, the region is returning to its historical status as a periphery. This process is characterized by a reduction in the influence of foreign actors and a rise in the role of the factors that cause general instability. These include, first and foremost, unresolved conflicts, unstable political, social and economic situation at home and specific political behaviors displayed by local elites. The April war of 2016 in Nagorno-Karabakh indicates a violation of the status quo and may lead to a high probability of new clashes in the conflict zone. The war highlighted a complex set of problems faced by Armenia and Azerbaijan in recent years. In both countries, against a backdrop of degrading economies, there is a growing split between the government and the society, as well as tensions within the elites. Similar processes are on the rise in Georgia. The situation in Abkhazia and South Ossetia is somewhat different, as the two countries could be classified as periphery to a periphery, and thus are developing in isolation from the common Caucasian agenda. Nevertheless, these countries also show a complex set of internal contradictions which tend to break out from time to time. This is symptomatic of a serious challenge facing the region. The countries that emerged on the other side of the Caucasus Mountains since 1991 are still searching for optimal models of national development.


Author(s):  
Valentina Aronica ◽  
Inderjeet Parmar

This chapter examines domestic factors that influence American foreign policy, focusing on the variety of ways in which pressure groups and elites determine and shape what the United States does in the international arena. It first considers how US foreign policy has evolved over time before discussing the US Constitution in terms of foreign policy making and implementation. It then explores institutional influences on foreign policy making, including Congress and the executive branch, as well as the role of ‘orthodox’ and ‘unorthodox’ actors involved in the making of foreign policy and how power is distributed among them. It also analyzes the Trump administration’s foreign policy, taking into account the ‘Trump Doctrine’ and the US strikes on Syria.


Author(s):  
Cristina Scavone ◽  
Annamaria Mascolo ◽  
Concetta Rafaniello ◽  
Liberata Sportiello ◽  
Ugo Trama ◽  
...  

COVID-19 is a complex disease and many difficulties are faced today especially in the proper choice of pharmacological treatments. The role of antiviral agents for COVID-19 is still being investigated. The evidence for immunomodulatory and anti-inflammatory drugs is quite conflicting, while the use of corticosteroids is supported by robust evidence. The use of heparins in hospitalized critically ill patients is preferred over other anticoagulants. Lastly, conflicting data were found regarding to the use of convalescent plasma and vitamin D. According to data shared by the WHO, many vaccines are under phase 3 clinical trials and some of them already received the marketing approval in EU countries and in the US. In conclusion, drugs repurposing has represented the main approach recently used in the treatment of patients with COVID-19. At this moment, the analysis of efficacy and safety data of drugs and vaccines used in real life context is strongly needed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 73-112
Author(s):  
Robert Schütze

This chapter examines the internal composition, internal powers, and internal procedures of the European Parliament, the European Council, and the Council of Ministers. It begins by looking at the role of the separation-of-powers principle in the European Union. Unlike the US Constitution, the EU Treaties do not discuss each institution within the context of one governmental function. Instead, each institution has ‘its’ article in the Treaty on European Union, whose first section then describes the combination of governmental functions in which it partakes. The European Treaties have thus ‘set up a system for distributing powers among different [Union] institutions’. And it is this conception of the separation-of-powers principle that informs Article 13(2) TEU. The provision is thus known as the principle of interinstitutional balance.


Author(s):  
Fritz Heimann

Corruption has been a persistent issue in American history. This chapter begins with a discussion of the colonial period, in which gifts from the British Crown played an important role, so that corruption was debated heavily when the US Constitution was being enacted. The chapter then moves further forward in history to discuss the Yazoo land rights controversy, and the role of bribery and other corruption in construction of the Panama Canal. It ends with the Watergate scandal, enactment of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) and involvement with the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), and the Citizens United case.


Author(s):  
Hugh Lafollette

I summarize the most prominent arguments for a right to bear arms; then I evaluate them. Many ordinary citizens claim that this right is fundamental. They often cite the Second Amendment to the US Constitution to support their contention. I briefly discuss the Supreme Court’s ruling on the proper interpretation of this amendment. I show that even though it is thought to support pro-gun advocates, it is expressly compatible with a wide variety of gun control measures. It is also tangential to the moral issue. I then explore two philosophical arguments that the right to bear arms is fundamental I focus on the more common and most promising argument: private gun ownership is a vital means of self-defense. I evaluate these arguments. None are wholly convincing.


This groundbreaking book breaks with established canons and resists some of the stereotypes of feminist biblical studies. A wide range of contributors—from the Netherlands, Germany, Norway, East Africa, South Africa, Argentina, Israel, Hong Kong, the US, the UK, and Iran—showcase new methodological and theoretical movements such as feminist materialisms; intersectionality; postidentitarian ?nomadic? politics; gender archaeology; lived religion; and theories of the human and the posthuman. They engage a range of social and political issues, including migration and xenophobia; divorce and family law; abortion; ?pinkwashing?; the neoliberal university; the second amendment; AIDS and sexual trafficking; Tianamen Square and 9/11; and the politics of ?the veil?. Foundational figures in feminist biblical studies work alongside new voices and contributors from a range of disciplines in conversations with the Bible that go well beyond the expected canon-within-the-canon assumed to be of interest to feminist biblical scholars. Moving beyond the limits of a text-orientated model of reading, they look at how biblical texts were actualized in the lives of religious revolutionaries, such as Joanna Southcott and Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz. In important interventions—made all the more urgent in the context of the Trump presidency and Brexit—they make biblical traditions speak to gun legislation, immigration, the politics of abortion, and Roe v. Wade.


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