‘The most beautiful of wars’

Author(s):  
Sibylle Scheipers

Clausewitz’s writings from the reform period combine themes that were central to his thought from his earliest texts and his correspondence, such as the value of the individual as the primary political agent. At the same time, they reflect a thorough engagement with the intellectual context of his time. In the Bekenntnisdenkschrift he presented a notion of war that emphasized its existential and emancipatory qualities. Clausewitz formulated his notion of war in its existential form against the backdrop of contemporary intellectual, political, and cultural discourses in Prussia and Germany more broadly. After the experience of the French Revolution’s descent into terror, the key question facing Clausewitz and his contemporaries was how to advance the liberation of the individual and society more broadly from traditional forms of political authority without risking a degeneration of all political institutions.

Human Affairs ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Miroslav Popper

AbstractThe article approaches the topic of social trust from an evolutionary perspective. It begins by summarising the most influential approaches that have defined specific and social trust and ascertains what causes differences in degrees of trust and how the potential risk of deception might be lowered. It then notes that the basis of morality had already been formed during the era of prehistoric man, who was able to create coalitions against aggressors and to socially control the behaviour of deviants. It points out, however, that having a certain predisposition to behaving cooperatively or an increased sensitivity to recognising and not tolerating behaviour aimed at abusing cooperation is not a sufficient guarantee of the fact that people will always (or at least in the majority of situations) favour cooperation over deception. One of the reasons for this is a tendency to favour short-term gains over long-term ones. The article argues that establishing norms (moral, social and legal) produces a higher level of social trust because it not only “encourages” individuals to behave in certain ways in particular situations but also works as a sanction which “discourages” the individual from socially deviant behaviour. The article then focuses on a debate about the causal relationship between social trust and social capital. It discusses the suggestion that political institutions, government and the judiciary may reduce rather than raise levels of social capital and consequently also the level of social trust. This is partly because of their powerful position and the consequent scope for corruption and partly because of the fact that even when attempting to act honestly, representatives of these institutions cannot sufficiently reflect upon dynamic change at the local level. Finally, the article ends by adopting the position that social trust is built primarily from bottom up and so it is risky to continually doubt the very existence and usefulness of social norms and morality and to be governed simply by legal norms.


1996 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-364
Author(s):  
Bi‐Hwan Kim

Joseph Raz Has Long Been Well Known as a Legal philosopher and theorist of practical reason. But it is only in the last decade that he has come to be widely identified as the most prominent defender of a distinctive interpretation of the liberal tradition. Raz wholeheartedly endorses the communitarian view that the individual is a social being, who needs society to establish his/her self-identity and to gain objective knowledge of the good, rather than a self-contained subject abstracted from any specific social experience. Unlike neutralist liberals, such as Rawls and Dworkin, he rejects ‘the priority of right over the good’, stressing the interdependent relationship between right and the good. Yet he remains very much a liberal in his commitment to the value of autonomy (or freedom) and argues powerfully for the desirability (or necessity) of incommensurable plural conceptions of the good life for the well-being of people, as well as for the liberal virtue of toleration, and for their attendant liberal democratic political institutions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 491-501
Author(s):  
Michael Blake

AbstractIn Territorial Sovereignty: A Philosophical Exploration, Anna Stilz argues that legitimate political authority requires the actual—rather than hypothetical—consent of the governed. I argue, however, that her analysis of that consent is inconsistent, in the weight it ascribes to the felt desire to refrain from doing politics with some particular group of people. In the context of secession and self-determination, the lack of actual consent to shared political institutions is weighty enough to render such institutions presumptively illegitimate. In the context of migration, however, a lack of actual consent to the presence of newcomers is ascribed nearly no weight, and instead is taken as evidence of irrationality or immoral preferences. I argue that this apparent contradiction must be clarified before Stilz's overall account of self-governance can be accepted.


Author(s):  
ŞENGÜL ÇEBİ İSRA

Identity is the expression of an individual's self-definition and self-positioning. It gives the answer to who a person is and what his worldview is. It is the definition of being and belonging. It is the explanation of what the individual is, both socially and psychologically. It is clear that identity, which is the focus of our research, is a concept related to belonging, what we have in common with some people and what differentiates a person from others. Based on this definition, it can be stated that identity is characterized by sharing certain things and, on the basis of these common points, a person is differentiated from other groups of people and approaches a group to which he feels belonging. In this understanding, identity is determined not by the norms that characterize the culture of a particular period, but by the existence of a community of people who share a common heritage, such as language and history: “… our identities reflect common historical experiences and common cultural codes that provide us as «a people» with stable, unchanging and permanent frames of reference and meaning under the changing distinctions and changes of our true history.» Accordingly, we can define the Kyrgyz identity through «a common culture, a common history and a kind of collective real identity shared by all members of the clan». However, the Kyrgyz identity accepts cultural identity as a reality belonging to both the future and the past. In this direction, the Kyrgyz identity is a positioning formed within the framework of historical and cultural discourses. In the light of this information, in this study, we will reveal the historical roots of the Kyrgyz identity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 90-142
Author(s):  
Graeme Gill

Relational rules structure the relationship between the oligarchs and the elite, and the oligarchs and the institutions of the regime. The chapter analyses how the 11 relational rules functioned in the Soviet Union and China over the life of the respective regimes. It explains how the oligarchs sought to insulate themselves from below and, in looking at the role of political institutions, tackles the idea that institutions serve little more than a symbolic function in authoritarian regimes. A major focus is also the power of the individual leader, its nature and bases and how this related to those institutions.


Author(s):  
Henrik Oscarsson ◽  
Lauri Rapeli

Political sophistication refers to the role of expertise and the use of information in the forming of political judgments. Citizens in a democracy need a sufficient level of political sophistication to make sense of politics and to hold office holders accountable. Most people do not seem to be as sophisticated as theory would expect, and political sophistication also seems to be very unevenly spread among individuals. The consequences for democratic governance continue to be a matter of much scholarly debate. Although most researchers agree that sophistication among citizens tends to be low, many issues in the research field are deeply contested. First, several concepts such as awareness, sophistication, and knowledge are used more or less interchangeably in analyses of the political competence of citizens. It is, however, unclear whether the terminology conceals essential conceptual differences. Second, the empirical strategy of using surveys to measure sophistication has been heavily criticized. For some, the survey is an unsuitable method because it measures the respondents’ ability to produce correct answers under suboptimal conditions, rather than measuring what they actually know about politics. For others, the survey questions themselves are an inadequate measure of sophistication. Third, it is not clear what the effects of citizens’ political sophistication or lack thereof are on democratic governance. According to one group of scholars, the aggregated opinions and electoral choices of democratic publics would not look very different even if they were more sophisticated. The opponents of this low-information rationality theorem claim that increases in citizens’ sophistication would lead to substantial differences in democratic output. In other words, perceptions of the significance of sophistication for democracy deeply divide scholars working in the field. There is less disagreement concerning the individual-level determinants of sophistication. Although being male, well educated, and in a socially advantaged position still stand out as the strongest predictors of high sophistication, recent findings provide a more nuanced understanding of how sophistication is distributed among citizens. In addition to many enduring disputes, some questions remain largely unanswered. Without cross-nationally standardized survey items, scholars have struggled to conduct comparative studies of political sophistication. Therefore, role of political institutions as facilitators of political sophistication is to some extent uncertain. Whether and how sophistication changes over time are equally important, but mostly unexplored, questions.


Rural China ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-39

Ne’er-do-wells are a common feature of rural society and have long existed. Before the establishment of new political authority in 1949, constraints on ne’er-do-wells came mainly from endogenous customs and leaders of the ruralities. After 1949, with unprecedented penetration of state authority into the countryside, those endogenous control mechanisms underwent profound changes. In Village A in Shanxi during the collective era, brigade and commune organizations representing the authority of the state served as important checks on unruly behavior by village ne’er-do-wells. Since the coming of the Reform period, traditional checks no longer exist while the authority of the collective state has dissipated. The new village self-rule entities have not enough authority, while the township governments operate under “reversed accountability” (to those above and not those below), leading to “passive inaction” toward the ne’er-do-wells. The result is a nakedly exposed social order, while ne’er-do-wells, ruffians and rogues thrive. This article is in Chinese. 无赖群体是乡村社会的共生体,在乡村社会长期存在。1949 年新政权成立以前,乡村公共秩序空间内,对无赖的约束主要依靠乡村中自发形成的习惯以及内生的权威领袖来维持。1949年以后,国家政权史无前例地深入乡村,村庄内生的控制机制发生了深刻变动。在山西A村,集体化时期,代表国家权威的队社组织对村庄无赖的不轨行为起了重要的约束作用。改革开放以来,传统的对无赖的约束机制丧失,代表国家的集体化时期的权威不复存在。新的乡村自治组织自治力不足,乡镇政府“逆向问责”制度的运行逻辑使其与基层社会疏离,对无赖群体“消极不作为”。乡村社会秩序处于近乎裸露的状态,无赖痞棍异常活跃。


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-49
Author(s):  
Graham John Wheeler

This article seeks to shed new light on an unresolved question in modern religious history: how did classical traditions of paganism come to be revived in modern times in the form of neo-paganism? It seeks to contribute to addressing this question by identifying a hitherto overlooked individual who embraced revived paganism as a religious philosophy before other, better known figures who have been discussed by previous scholars. The individual in question was the teacher and writer John Fransham (1730–1810). This article seeks to elucidate the main tenets of Fransham's religious outlook and to locate him within the intellectual context of his time, as both a product of and a rebel against the British Enlightenment. It also publishes his most explicitly pagan piece of writing for the first time.


1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 389-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ada W. Finifter

In recent years there has emerged in this country a radical questioning and rejection of established political institutions unparalleled since the Civil War in its intensity and scope. One objective indicator of this trend since World War II is the marked rise in voluntary renunciation of American citizenship, an act which represents the formal and final estrangement of the individual from his former political ties. Available evidence suggests that estrangement from the polity is also widespread in countries throughout the world as fundamental questions are being raised about the legitimacy of political institutions and political leadership.Attitudes toward the political system have long been a concern of political scientists. Major orienting theories of the political system suggest that citizen support plays a crucial role in determining the structure and processes of political systems. Almond and Verba, for example, use the concept “civic culture” to refer to a complex mix of attitudes and behaviors considered to be conducive to democratic government. Easton underscores the fundamental importance of attitudes for system stability, focusing especially on “diffuse support” as a prerequisite for the integration of political systems. He suggests that “(w)here the input of support falls below [a certain] minimum, the persistence of any kind of system will be endangered. A system will finally succumb unless it adopts measures to cope with the stress.”The conversion of these general theoretical ideas into systematic empirical theory requires further rigorous and comprehensive analyses of types of citizen support and the development of empirical indicators for this domain.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (01) ◽  
pp. 112-135
Author(s):  
Sri Warjiyati

Abstract: This article discusses the individual candidate in the general election of regional head in political jurisprudence perspective. Before the Mahkamah Konstitusi’s decision No. 5/PUU-V/2007 pointed out, the individual candidate could have enter the two political institutions; first, in the 2004 general election, the individual candidate competed to get into the institution of the Regional Representative Council of the Republic of Indonesia; second, Undang-Undang No. 11 tahun 2006 regarding with the Government of Aceh where the individual candidate could compete with the candidates promoted by the national political party in electing the regional head in all over Aceh. The decision of Mahkamah Konstitusi No. 5/PUU-V/ means that the local head election held in various regions can include the individual independent candidate. In political jurisprudence perspective, mechanism of the individual candidacy in the election has already in accordance with the concept of maslahah al-‘ammah ie. hifdz al-ummah.  In this case, any of the individual independent candidates who nominate themselves as the regional head cannot be discriminated and they deserve the right to nominate to be in line with the Mahkamah Konstitusi’s decision.Keywords: Candidate, individual, local election, jurisprudence, siyasah


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document