‘Old Doting Bishop’

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosamund Oates
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Religious Politics ◽  
The Church

This chapter explores how the forces holding the Jacobean Church—Matthew’s broad-based conformity—were shattered by the increasing power of Laudian clerics, while his anti-Catholicism was undermined by a pro-Catholic foreign policy. As Matthew grew older, his influence in the Church waned as did his ability to protect Puritans within it. From 1615 onwards it became apparent that Matthew was a marginal force in the Church and his brand of Elizabethan Puritanism was seen as increasingly unfashionable. However, for Matthew, there was a keener tragedy—his eldest son, also called Tobie Matthew, became a Jesuit priest. This chapter concludes by looking at Matthew’s personal struggle to convert his son and sets that in the wider context of early Stuart politics. Matthew’s story ends with a family and a country deeply divided by religious politics in the years before the English Civil Wars.

Introduction

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosamund Oates
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
Pivotal Role ◽  
Elizabeth I ◽  
Henry Viii ◽  
James I ◽  
Protestant Church ◽  
Charles I ◽  
Turbulent Times ◽  
Stuart England ◽  
The Church

Tobie Matthew (c.1544–1628) lived through the most turbulent times of the English Church. Born during the reign of Henry VIII, he saw Edward VI introduce Protestantism, and then watched as Mary I violently reversed her brother’s changes. When Elizabeth I came to the throne in 1558, Matthew rejected his family’s Catholicism to join the fledgling Protestant regime. Over the next sixty years, he helped build a Protestant Church in England under Elizabeth I, James I, and Charles I. Rising through the ranks of the Church, he was Archbishop of York in the charged decades leading up to the British Civil Wars. Here was a man who played a pivotal role in the religious politics of Tudor and Stuart England, and nurtured a powerful strain of Puritanism at the heart of the established Church....

scholarly journals Sopocani and Gradac: About the relation of funerary programmes of the two churches

Zograf ◽  
2006 ◽  
pp. 59-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Branislav Todic
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Great Effort ◽  
Wall Paintings ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Holy Trinity ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Church

King Uros (1243-1276) erected the Church of the Holy Trinity in the Sopocani monastery in about 1270 and, in it, he prepared tombs for the first hegoumenos of Sopocani, his mother Queen Ana, for himself and the then archbishop, Joanikije (Fig. 1). Over each tomb there is a marble sarcophagus surrounded by appropriate wall paintings. The tombs of Uros and Joanikije were located in the western bay of the naos. Thus, the recently announced hypothesis, that the endowed did not intend to be buried in Sopocani, is unfounded. The intention of King Uros was only brought into question in 1276 when he was driven from the throne by his older son, Dragutin. The overthrow caused a major drama in the family, the state and the Church. King Uros retired to the southern part of the state (Hum), where he became a monk and subsequently died (perhaps in 1277). His wife Jelena received vast territories from her son, the new king, which she practically ruled independently, while Archbishop Joanikije, after having denied Dragutin his blessing, retired with the former king and died in the region of Pilot in 1279. King Dragutin (1276-1282) made a great effort to mitigate the negative effects of the overthrow: he continued his father's foreign policy established good relations with neighboring Dubrovnik, took pains to appease his mother, Queen Jelena, by granting her vast territories, and to win the support of the Church by erecting, repairing or presenting gifts to several churches and monasteries. He certainly obtained the Sopocani monastery through hereditary ktetorial rights.

scholarly journals The Ethics of Arming Rebels

2015 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 455-471 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Pattison
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Ethical Issues ◽  
Policy Option

Despite the popularity of arming rebels as a foreign policy option, there is very little, if any, detailed engagement with the ethical issues surrounding the practice. There is a growing literature on the ethical issues surrounding civil wars and, more specifically, the conditions for engaging in just rebellion; but the focus of this literature is largely on the question of the justifiability of the rebels themselves in engaging in civil war and their conduct when doing so, rather than the permissibility of the arming of rebels by other agents. It is precisely this issue that I want to address here. Overall, I argue that the process should be generally eschewed. More specifically, this article seeks to establish that arming rebels is generally impermissible and only exceptionally morally permissible (even, as I will argue, when rebels are engaged in unjust wars). The former, far more restrictive claim will be established in the first part of the article. The latter, more permissive claim will be established in the second part of the article.

U.S. Guns Kill U.S. Nuns

2020 ◽  
pp. 101-130
Author(s):  
Theresa Keeley
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central America ◽  
Central American ◽  
White House ◽  
Protest Movement ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Church ◽  
The U.S

This chapter examines the murders of the churchwomen and how Reagan officials' critiques, which revealed that intra-Catholic conflict had become an integral part of United States–Central America policy with Reagan's ascension to the White House. It looks at remarks that bolster the Salvadoran junta's reputation or diminish the murders' impact on the protest movement against U.S. policy. It also discusses that the murdered churchwomen symbolized the church's championing of the poor and a U.S. foreign policy that was morally corrupt and politically unsound for training and arming their killers. The chapter cites that two murdered Maryknollers were members of a Catholic order and represented a dangerous trajectory for U.S. foreign policy and the church. It elaborates how the U.S. government aligned with conservative U.S. and Central American Catholics and amplified their perspective.

scholarly journals Dialogue as a Strategy of Struggle: Religious Politics in East Germany, 1957–1968

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-186
Author(s):  
Heléna Tóth
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
East Germany ◽  
Religious Politics ◽  
Policy Strategy ◽  
Argumentative Strategies ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Church Policy ◽  
The Church

AbstractThis article argues that the topos of dialogue between Christians and Marxists fulfilled a key role in the creation and maintenance of power relations in religious politics in East Germany. Three case studies illustrate the topos of dialogue as a strategy of struggle: 1. the campaign against ‘revisionism’ and ‘politicised religion’; 2. the church policy strategy of ‘differentiation’; 3. the critique of the phenomena commonly associated with the Christian–Marxist dialogue outside East Germany in the mid-1960s. These instances of socialist religious politics, while having their own dynamics, were closely related through specific actors and argumentative strategies.

II. Empire

1982 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 8-14
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Level Set ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Legal Basis

In the years following Actium, Augustus set out to secure for himself a monopoly of military power and glory, establish a legal basis for his control of the legions and direction of foreign policy, and build an army that could undertake a programme of continuous warfare. This last task was a considerable one; apart from the initial hurdle of paying off the thousands of weary and near-mutinous soldiers who had survived the civil wars, it was complicated by the political necessity of curtailing or materially reducing conscription in Italy. The army Augustus bequeathed to his successors was a body of professionals, serving for twenty-five years at the modest pay of 225 denarii a year (raised to 300 by Domitian) and with the prospect of a discharge payment of 3,000 denarii or the equivalent in land. The bulk of the legions, which were stationed in the Northern provinces, were made up of recruits – some conscripts, some volunteers – from the more Romanized West. Local and regional recruitment, for legionaries as well as auxiliaries, became the norm only after our period. The level set by Augustus of 28 legions, or about 168,000 men (plus roughly as many auxiliaries, recruited from non-citizens), was not raised significantly by later emperors.

Congregationalism and the Social Order: John Goodwin's Gathered Church, 1640–60

1987 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellen S. More
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
Social Order ◽  
The Social ◽  
Church Polity ◽  
Total Separation ◽  
The Church ◽  
Civil Government ◽  
Established Church

In 1644 the Puritan lawyer and parliamentary pamphleteer, William Prynne, voiced a question much on the minds of moderate Puritans: Would not Congregationalism ‘by inevitable necessary consequence subvert…all settled…forms of civil government…and make every small congregation, family (yea person if possible), an independent church and republic exempt from all other public laws’? What made Congregationalism seem so threatening? The calling of the Long Parliament encouraged an efflorescence of Congregational churches throughout England. While differing in many other respects, their members were united in the belief that the true Church consisted of individually gathered, self-governing congregations of the godly. Such a Church was answerable to no other earthly authority. The roots of English Congregationalism extended back to Elizabethan times and beyond. Some Congregationalists, in the tradition of Robert Browne, believed in total separation from the Established Church; others, following the later ideas of Henry Jacob, subscribed to semi-separatism, believing that a godly remnant remained within the Established Church. For semi-separatists some contact with the latter was permissible, as was a loose confederation of gathered churches. During the English civil wars and Interregnum, the Church polity of most leading religious Independents actually was semi-separatist.

scholarly journals Montenegrin Miracle: Dismantling of the M. Djukanovic’s Regime

2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-51
Author(s):  
Pavel Kandel ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Full Time ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Core ◽  
Long Period ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Church ◽  
The Eu

Theme of the paper: the confrontation between the government and opposition forces with regard to the parliamentary elections of August 30, 2020. The paper analyzes the factors behind the opposition's first victory through the prism of the thirty year-long period. The author gives credit to the MontenegrinPrimorye Metropolia of the Serbian Orthodox Church, which made a decisive contribution to the defeat of the incumbent authorities, i.e. the politically disoriented President and the government who entered into conflict with the hierarchs through their arrogant and short-sighted monopoly rule. It was precisely the Church circles led by the late Metropolitan Amphilochius who managed to consolidate the ever-quarreling opposition, give them a new promising leader and offer an effective political platform that made the unification of the proEuropean and Pro-Serbian parts of the opposition possible. The paper examines the international reaction to the transfer of power and its internal and foreign policy consequences. Chances of the new Cabinet of experts summoned by Zdravko Krivokapic to complete a full time are not too high. The trouble of the present coalition is not only its slim – by only one Assembly mandate – majority. The majority itself is extremely fragile, since the leaders of the Democratic Front, which forms the core of its pro-Serbian part, do not hide their feeling of being deceived and deprived of the division of trophies. Thereby they consider holding a snap parliamentary election almost a single task of the Cabinet. However, the government is already able to start dismantling the existing authoritarian regime of Milo Djukanovic. As far as its foreign policy is concerned it can be assumed that the new authorities would try to normalize relations with Serbia and Russia, deliberately damaged by Milo Djukanovic, but the fundamentals of the priority relations with the EU and NATO will remain unchanged.

scholarly journals JOSÉ MARÍA VARGAS VILA, DEFENSOR DE LA CONSTITUCIÓN DE RIONEGRO

AFEL ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 15-27
Author(s):  
Consuelo Triviño Anzola
Keyword(s):  
Death Penalty ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The State ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
New Granada ◽  
Freedom Of Press ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Jose Maria Vargas Vila ◽  
The Church

After the independence and the creation of the New Granada in 1819, the young Latin American republics continued faced disputing power. The caudillos spent their energies in partisan struggles because personal, group, class and ethnic interests overlapped, often under romantic formulations. Between chaos and order, 14 constitutions were drafted in Colombia until reaching the Rionegro Constitution of 1863. Promulgated by the leaders of Radical Liberalism, it went too far in its pursuit of utopia. Federalism, defense of individual freedoms, abolition of the death penalty, freedom of press and separation of the Church and the State are some of its most important conquests, but the consequences of its extremes triggered bloody civil wars. In the heat of these disputes arises José María Vargas Vila (1860-1933), the famous pamphleteer, who enlisted in the ranks of Radical Liberalism defending constitutional rights. This article exposes the position of a Colombian liberal intellectual in face of period called Regeneration that seeks to impose peace and order in Colombia restricting the freedoms and rights granted by the Rionegro Constitution.

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