France around 1968

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Félix Krawatzek
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Democratic Consolidation ◽  
Public Understanding ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Context ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Over Time

The democratic consolidation in France around 1968 introduces variation into the comparative regime setting. The chapter discusses the historical and international context of that mobilization which over time has turned into the global symbol of youth revolt. The analysis highlights the links between the political mobilization of differing political groups of young people and the changing discursive contexts. In particular, it emphasizes the mobilizing impact of events abroad for changing the public understanding of youth. Youth mobilization was also closely linked to competing future imaginaries and alternative visions of the French past. However, youth mobilization failed to develop a coherent and unified vision for the country and many of the issues brought forward failed to gain traction in wider society. Therefore, youth revolt could be portrayed as being confined to youth which contributed to the possibility of the Right to triumph in the elections that followed.

The Weimar Republic and Roads Not Followed

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Félix Krawatzek
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Weimar Republic ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Democratic Consolidation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Involvement ◽  
High Culture ◽  
Democratic Character ◽  
The Future ◽  
Political Failure

Much of the literature on the breakdown of the Weimar Republic has focused exclusively on elite competition or the political extremes for which young people got involved. This chapter sheds a different light on the importance of democratic youth involvement. After contextualizing the episode and bringing out the contradictory reality of the Weimar Republic between high culture and political failure, the complexities of youth political involvement are explored. A large proportion of the discourse on youth emphasized the pro-democratic character of youth mobilization. However, the divisions within the pro-democratic formation ultimately underlined that the political mobilization linked to it was too weak to stabilize the regime. Instead, the contradictory aspirations for the future of German democracy meant that democratic consolidation eventually failed whilst anti-regime mobilization grew.

The Soviet Union during Perestroika

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Félix Krawatzek
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Young People ◽  
Paired Comparison ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Symbolic Meaning ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Reform Period ◽  
The Empirical Analysis ◽  
Political Groups

The breakdown of the Soviet Union offers a paired comparison with the contemporary Russian Federation. The shifts in the symbolic meaning of youth conveyed the significance and speed of the disintegration of the USSR to its population. A study of the involvement of young people in this regime breakdown sheds a fundamentally new light on the episode. A first section contextualizes the economic, social, and political instability which characterized the Soviet Union’s last years. It argues that youth mobilization accelerated the society-wide realization of crisis and pushed the leadership to further reforms. The following sections explore the results of the empirical analysis linking the discourse network analysis to the political mobilization of differing political groups. It is argued that young people took to the streets before the beginnings of the reform period and the underlying generational gap spurred the political changes in the Soviet Union during the 1980s.

scholarly journals The Right to Survival in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea

2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiyoung Song
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Confucian Tradition ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
North Korean Defectors ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Over Time

AbstractFor the past decade, the author has examined North Korean primary public documents and concludes that there have been changes of identities and ideas in the public discourse of human rights in the DPRK: from strong post-colonialism to Marxism-Leninism, from there to the creation of Juche as the state ideology and finally 'our style' socialism. This paper explains the background to Kim Jong Il's 'our style' human rights in North Korea: his broader framework, 'our style' socialism, with its two supporting ideational mechanisms, named 'virtuous politics' and 'military-first politics'. It analyses how some of these characteristics have disappeared while others have been reinforced over time. Marxism has significantly withered away since the end of the Cold War, and communism was finally deleted from the latest 2009 amended Socialist Constitution, whereas the concept of sovereignty has been strengthened and the language of duties has been actively employed by the authority almost as a relapse to the feudal Confucian tradition. The paper also includes some first-hand accounts from North Korean defectors interviewed in South Korea in October–December 2008. They show the perception of ordinary North Koreans on the ideas of human rights.

Introduction

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Charles Devellennes
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
The Social ◽  
Fundamental Challenge ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Right ◽  
Over Time

This chapter gives introduces the gilet jaunes. The gilets jaunes, a group of French protesters named after their iconic yellow vests donned during demonstrations, have formed a new type of social movement. The gilets jaunes have been variously interpreted since they began their occupation of French roundabouts. They were at first received with enthusiasm on the right of the French political establishment, and with caution on the left. The fourth weekend saw scenes of violence erupt on the Champs Élysées, notably around and within the Arc de Triomphe, which towers over the first roundabout built in France. The headlines of newspapers and stories of the news media became almost exclusively focused on the violence of the protests. Images of state violence became ever-present on Twitter and independent media outlets, making it clear that it was the use of disproportionate force by police units that was at the centre of the events. The chapter explains that the aim of the book is to show that the use of violence is not the only tale to be told about the role of the protesters in the contemporary French context. Their contribution to the political landscape of France is quite different. They have provided a fundamental challenge to the social contract in France, the implicit pact between the governed and their political leaders. The movement has seen the numbers of participants diminish over time, but the underlying tension between the haves and the have-nots, the winners of globalization and those at risk of déclassement [social downgrading], are enduring and persistent.

The Public Understanding of Crime and Policing

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Martin Innes ◽  
Colin Roberts ◽  
Trudy Lowe ◽  
Helen Innes
Keyword(s):  
Community Policing ◽  
Community Support ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Public Perceptions ◽  
Public Understanding ◽  
The Public ◽  
Order Maintenance ◽  
History Of ◽  
Over Time

This chapter situates Neighbourhood Policing in a social and policing context, arguing that in order to understand how and why it gained traction at the particular moment when it did, it is necessary to establish how it relates to a longer and deeper history of policing ideas. It proposes that, as a particular iteration of the community policing philosophy, Neighbourhood Policing reflects a defining tension in the police mission as to whether the principal focus should be upon crime management, or a broader notion of community support and order maintenance. This analysis develops a detailed discussion of the community policing tradition and how it has ebbed and flowed over time in terms of its popularity, outlining a theoretical framework for thinking about how and why community policing interventions impact upon public perceptions and experiences of crime, disorder, and security.

Destituent Power

2020 ◽  
pp. 123-138
Author(s):  
Markus Patberg
Keyword(s):  
Civil Disobedience ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Constituent Power ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Eu

This chapter takes up the public narrative of ‘We, the multitude of Europe’, which suggests that the only hope for progressive change in the EU lies in a politics of disruption, and asks whether this idea can be defended based on a systematic model. To that end, it resorts to the political theory of destituent power, according to which opposition to or withdrawal from public authority can function as a legitimate trigger for constitutional change. Distinguishing between anti-juridical and juridical conceptions of destituent power, the chapter discusses to what extent the disruptive political strategies put forward by protest movements in the EU can be regarded as justifiable. Focusing on the juridical strand as the more plausible one, it argues that ideas of destituent power as ‘state civil disobedience’ run into a problem of authorization. By contrast, popular sovereignty-based approaches illuminate a neglected dimension of constituent power: the right to dismantle public authorities without the intention to create new ones. While such a model of destituent power in part captures the actions and demands of EU protest movements, it can only complement, not replace, the constructive side of constituent power.

Do territorial rights include the right to exclude?

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 307-322 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cara Nine
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
John Locke ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
Prima Facie ◽  
Property Right ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Hard Time ◽  
Territorial Rights ◽  
The Right

Do territorial rights include the right to exclude? This claim is often assumed to be true in territorial rights theory. And if this claim is justified, a state may have a prima facie right to unilaterally exclude aliens from state territory. But is this claim justifiable? I examine the version of territorial rights that has the most compelling story to support the right to exclude: territorial rights as a kind of property right, where ‘territory’ refers to the public and common spaces included in the domain of state jurisdiction. I analyse the work of A. J. Simmons, who develops the political theory of John Locke into one of the most well-articulated and defended theories of territorial rights as a kind of property right. My main argument is that Simmons’ justification for rights of exclusion, which are derived from individual rights of self-government, does not apply to many kinds of public spaces. An upshot of this analysis is that most Lockean-based theories of territorial rights will have a hard time justifying the right to exclude as a prima facie right held by states against aliens.

Nation-building ancient Macedonian style: the origins and the effects of the so-called antiquization in Macedonia

2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anastas Vangeli
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Mass Production ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Efficient Tool ◽  
Interethnic Relations ◽  
The Public

The background of the contemporary Macedonian “antiquization” can be found in the nineteenth century and the myth of ancient descent among Orthodox Slavic speakers in Macedonia, adopted partially due to Greek cultural inputs. The idea of Ancient Macedonian nationhood has also been included in the national mythology during the Yugoslav era. An additional factor for its preservation has been the influence of the Macedonian Diaspora. After independence, attempts to use myth of ancient descent had to be abandoned due to political pressure by Greece. Contemporary antiquization on the other hand, has been revived as an efficient tool for political mobilization. It is manifested as a belated invention and mass-production of tradition, carried out through the creation of new ceremonies, interventions in the public space and dissemination of mythological and metaphysical narratives on the origin of the nation. There have also been attempts to scientifically rationalize claims to ancient nationhood. On the political level, the process of antiquization reinforced the political primacy of its promoters, the ruling Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE), but had a negative impact on the interethnic relations and the international position of the country.

scholarly journals Politics and Political Participation of “Grass-Roots” in General Election 2019, Bandar Selamat Regency, Medan, Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rehia K. Isabella Barus ◽  
Armansyah Matondang ◽  
Nina Angelia ◽  
Beby Masitho Batubara
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
The People ◽  
The Right ◽  
Two Stages

Ahead of the 2019 general election which is divided into two stages, namely the Legislative election and the Presidential election. This event is the right moment to find out the political participation of the people at the grass-roots level while at the same time seeing the interaction between the people in the grass-roots and political parties. The interaction that wants to be seen is what forms of political behavior and community participation at the grassroots, as well as how political parties behave in interacting with this community. Then the important point that is also seen is how political parties behave in involving and seeking to raise support from the community. In the end, through this research, it will be known the quality of political participation from the public and electoral political parties in 2019.

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