Biopolitics of Seriality

Serial Forms ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 251-286
Author(s):  
Clare Pettitt

Chapter 7, ‘Biopolitics of Seriality’ considers the political possibilities that were released or inaugurated in the 1840s by this structure of seriality. It takes the whole run of Howitt’s Journal as its ‘serial’ case study and uses this liberal journal to think about how seriality was becoming increasingly important to the creation and maintenance of what we might now call biopolitics. Through its serial repetition of exemplary narratives of injustice around gender, race, class and age, Howitt’s Journal unconsciously reveals the profound connection between these constructs. Tracking the representation of children, slaves and the Irish across the run of the journal, partly through its use of work by Elizabeth Gaskell and Frederick Douglass, this chapter suggests that we need to develop a more complex way of thinking about the developing relationship between kinship, citizenship, and biopolitics at this critical historical moment.

2019 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kate Cronin-Furman

AbstractWhy do repressive states create human rights institutions that cost them money and political capital but fail to silence international criticism? The academic literature assumes that states engaging in disingenuous human rights behavior are hoping to persuade (or deceive) liberal Western states and international advocates. But if human rights promoters in the West are the target audience for the creation of these half measures institutions, the strategy appears puzzlingly miscalculated. It reveals that the repressive state is sensitive to international opinion, and often results in increased pressure. The author argues that states engaging in human rights half measures are playing to a different, previously overlooked audience: swing states that can act as veto points on multilateral efforts to enforce human rights. The article illustrates these dynamics with a case study of Sri Lanka’s response to international pressure for postwar justice. The author shows that although the creation of a series of weak investigative commissions was prompted by pressure from Western governments and ngos, it was not an attempt to satisfy or hoodwink these actors. Instead, it was part of a coalition-blocking strategy to convince fellow developing states on the UN Human Rights Council to oppose the creation of an international inquiry and to give them the political cover to do so.


Author(s):  
Brooke Sylvia Palmieri

Using the records and publications of the Quakers, this chapter considers the religious and political context behind the creation of the Quaker archive and the relationship between scribal material and print culture in making meaning. The story of Mary Fisher’s (c.1623–1698) trip to Constantinople to convert the Sultan of the Ottoman Turks provides a valuable case study in how a letter became an archival document before circulating widely in print. Initially a product of the zealous, evangelical epistolary culture that characterised Quaker writings of the 1650s, it was transferred into the public archive created during the extreme persecution of the 1660s to situate the Quakers within a longer history of suffering. Later it was used to advance the political argument for toleration by offering an instance of Muslim hospitality in counterbalance to Christian cruelty. The chapter highlights how changing historical contexts transform the nature of the truth of archives.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (5) ◽  
pp. 716-744
Author(s):  
Guja Armannsdottir ◽  
Christopher Pich ◽  
Louise Spry

Purpose The creation and development of candidate-politician brands, otherwise known as political co-brands, remains an under-researched area of study. This is supported by calls for more understanding on political co-brands and how they are positioned and managed by their creators. Framed by the concepts of internal brand identity and co-branding, this paper aims to investigate how political co-brand identity is constructed and managed over time, exploring alignment between the political co-brand and political corporate party brand. Design/methodology/approach An interpretivist revelatory multi-case study approach, using in-depth interviews, was conducted with three political co-brands (candidates-politicians) from the UK Conservative Party. The three cases represented constituencies across the UK from the North, Midlands and South of the country. The in-depth elite interviews were conducted July 2015 to September 2015. Methodological triangulation was also adopted to assess the coherency of emerging themes with online and offline materials and documents. A two-stage thematic analytical approach was used to interpret the findings. Findings This multiple case study demonstrates how successful political co-brands create and develop identities tailored to their constituency, often distinct from the corporate political brand and developed several years before electoral success at the ballot box. In addition, this study reveals that political co-brands are dichotomous in terms of strategically managing a degree of alignment with the corporate political brand yet maintaining a degree of independence. Research limitations/implications This study builds on limited existing concepts such as co-branding and political brand identity as a means of critical application. Existing research on co-branding remains a “relatively limited” and complex area of study and generally focuses on fictitious brands. Political brand identity remains an under-researched area. This in turn supports the development and advancement of political branding as an area of study. This paper highlights the opportunities of using the strategic approach of co-branding to help conceptualise “candidates-politicians” as political brands’ which up until now, “candidate-politician brands” have been difficult to define unlike the extensive research on corporate political brands. Practical implications This study has implications for practice too. Organisations and different typologies of political brands will be able to use this political co-brand identity framework as a diagnostic mechanism to investigate their co-brands current identity, assess alignment and make strategic changes or reposition the envisaged identity if desired. Similarly, organisations can use this framework, key dimensions and factors as a blueprint to design and build new political brands at a corporate and/or local level. Originality/value This study has implications for brands beyond the world of politics. Brands can adopt the political co-brand identity framework developed in this study as a pragmatic tool to investigate internally created co-brand identity and explore alignment with the corporate party brand identity. In addition, this research adds to the limited research on non-fictitious co-brands and co-branding literature at large and addresses the calls for more research on brand identity in new settings.


Author(s):  
Kristina Dietz

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haruo Nakagawa

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.


2017 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-102
Author(s):  
Alys Moody

Beckett's famous claim that his writing seeks to ‘work on the nerves of the audience, not the intellect’ points to the centrality of affect in his work. But while his writing's affective quality is widely acknowledged by readers of his work, its refusal of intellect has made it difficult to take fully into account in scholarly work on Beckett. Taking Beckett's 1967 short prose text Ping as a case study, this essay is an attempt to take the affective qualities of Beckett's writing seriously and to consider the implications of his affectively dense writing for his texts’ relationship to history. I argue that Ping's affect emerges from the rhythms of its prose, producing a highly ‘speakable’ text in which affect precedes interpretation. In Ping, however, this affective rhythmic patterning is portrayed as mechanical, the product of the machinic ‘ping’ that punctuates the text and the text's own mechanical rhythms, demanding the active involvement of the reader. The essay concludes by arguing that Ping's mechanised affect is a specifically historical feeling. Arising from a specifically twentieth-century anxiety about technology's tendency to evacuate ‘natural’ emotion in favour of inhuman affect, it participates in a tradition of affectively resonant but curiously blank or indifferent performances of cyborg embodiment. Read in this historical light, Ping's implication of the reader in the production of its mechanised affect grants it, from our contemporary perspective, an archival quality. At the same time, it asks us to broaden the way in which we understand the Beckettian text's relationship to history, pointing to the existence of a more complex and recursive relationship between literature, its historical moment, and our contemporary moment of reading. Such a post-archival historicism sees texts as generated by but not bound to their historical moments of composition, and understands the moment of reception as an integral, if shifting, part of the text's history.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-63
Author(s):  
Ruth Roded

Beginning in the early 1970s, Jewish and Muslim feminists, tackled “oral law”—Mishna and Talmud, in Judaism, and the parallel Hadith and Fiqh in Islam, and several analogous methodologies were devised. A parallel case study of maintenance and rebellion of wives —mezonoteha, moredet al ba?ala; nafaqa al-mar?a and nush?z—in classical Jewish and Islamic oral law demonstrates similarities in content and discourse. Differences between the two, however, were found in the application of oral law to daily life, as reflected in “responsa”—piskei halacha and fatwas. In modern times, as the state became more involved in regulating maintenance and disobedience, and Jewish law was backed for the first time in history by a state, state policy and implementation were influenced by the political system and socioeconomic circumstances of the country. Despite their similar origin in oral law, maintenance and rebellion have divergent relevance to modern Jews and Muslims.


Panggung ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nur Sahid

ABSTRACTRevolutionary struggle in order to compete for the independence of Indonesia has been a source of inspiration Indonesian artists, including Bambang Soelarto who wrote drama Domba-domba Re- volusi (DDR). DDR studied drama is quite interesting because it tries to criticize the freedom fight- ers. This study aims to: first to know the theme and the problem plays DDR; second to determine the relationship of the socio - historical struggle in 1948 with the sociological elements of drama DDR themes and issues. This study uses sociological theory of art. The basic principles of the sociology of art is the fact that the creation of works of art influenced by the historical social conditions where the work was created. Research using content analysis of Krippendorf, the methods used to examine the symbolic phenomena with the aim to explore and express the observed phenomenon which is the content, meaning, and an essential element of the literary work. Based results of this research is that Bambang Soelarto as the author tries to capture di?erence between fighters during the struggle for the political aspirations for 1948 are expressed in a work of drama. Historical events inspired the creation of drama DDR. Soelarto want to respond to the political aspirations of the di?erence between historical figures and wanted to provide an assessment and outlook through DDR.Keywords: themes, drama, sociology of art, social historical ABSTRAKRevolusi perjuangan dalam rangka memperebutkan kemerdekaan Indonesia telah men- jadi sumber inspirasi para seniman Indonesia, termasuk Bambang Soelarto yang menulis drama Domba-domba Revolusi (DDR). Drama DDR cukup menarik diteliti karena mencoba mengkritisi para pejuang kemerdekaan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk: pertama, mengeta- hui tema dan permasalah drama DDR; kedua, mengetahui hubungan kondisi sosio-histo- ris perjuangan pada tahun 1948 dengan unsur-unsur sosiologis terimplisir pada unsur tema dan masalah drama DDR. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori sosiologi seni. Prinsip dasar dari sosiologi seni adalah adanya fakta bahwa penciptaan karya seni dipengaruhi oleh kon- disi sosial historis tempat karya itu diciptakan. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode con- tent analysis dari Krippendorf, yakni metode yang dipergunakan untuk meneliti fenome- na-fenomena simbolik dengan tujuan untuk menggali dan mengungkapkan fenomena yang teramati yang merupakan isi, makna, dan unsur esensial karya sastra. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian dapat diketahui bahwa Bambang Soelarto sebagai penulis mencoba un- tuk menangkap perbedaan antara pejuang aspirasi politik selama perjuangan tahun 1948 untuk diekspresikan dalam sebuah karya drama. Peristiwa sejarah mengilhami penciptaan drama DDR. Soelarto ingin menanggapi aspirasi politik perbedaan antara tokoh-tokoh se- jarah dan ingin memberikan penilaian dan pandangan pandangannnya melalui DDR.Kata kunci: tema, drama, sosiologi seni, sosial historis


1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-99
Author(s):  
Ziaul Haque

After thirteen long years of military dictatorship, national elections on the basis of adult franchise were held in Pakistan in December 1970. The Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and the Pakistan Peoples Party, under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, emerged as the two majority political parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan respectively. The political party commanding a majority in one wing of the country had almost no following in the other. This ended in a political and constitutional deadlock, since this split mandate and political exclusiveness gradually led to the parting of ways and political polarization. Power was not transferred to the majority party (that is, the Awami League) within the legally prescribed time; instead, in the wake of the political/ constitutional crisis, a civil war broke out in East Pakistan which soon led to an open war between India and Pakistan in December 1971. This ultimately resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan, and in the creation of Bangladesh as a sovereign country. The book under review is a political study of the causes and consequences of this crisis and the war, based on a reconstruction of the real facts, historical events, political processes and developments. It candidly recapitulates the respective roles of the political elites (both of India and Pakistan), their leaders and governments, and assesses their perceptions of the real situation. It is an absorbing narrative of almost thirteen months, from 7 December, 1970, when elections were held in Pakistan, to 17 December, 1971 when the war ended after the Pakistani army's surrender to the Indian army in Dhaka (on December 16, 1971). The authors, who are trained political scientists, give fresh interpretations of these historical events and processes and relate them to the broader regional and global issues, thus assessing the crisis in a broader perspective. This change of perspective enhances our understanding of the problems the authors discuss. Their focus on the problems under discussion is sharp, cogent, enlightening, and circumspect, whether or not the reader agrees with their conclusions. The grasp of the source material is masterly; their narration of fast-moving political events is superbly anchored in their scientific methodology and political philosophy.


Jurnal Akta ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 421
Author(s):  
Amalia Putri Prima Erdian ◽  
Arief Cholil

Law of inheritance only happens because the person died. In BW there are two ways to get wealth, that is: as heirs according to the provisions of law and as a person appointed in the will. What is meant by the will itself according to Article 875 BW is an agreement that make statements about what he wished someone would happen after he died, and that by her to pull back. In general, people make a will before a Public Notary. According to article 1 paragraph 1 of Act No. 2 of 2014 concerning On Notary (now referred to UUJN). Notary is a public official who is authorized to make authentic agreements and other authorities referred to in the Act, where each testament must be shaped agreement in order to obtain certainty law as an authentic agreement binding. With the creation of the will meant that the parties can understand and be able to know the basic result of the offense can be arranged so that the interests of the concerned receive proper protection as known by the Notary.Keywords: Inheritance; Heir; Testament; Authentic Agreement


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