Territorial Cleavages and Constitutional Transitions

2019 ◽  
pp. 374-428
Author(s):  
George Anderson ◽  
Sujit Choudhry
Keyword(s):  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Relative Power ◽  
Constitutional Design ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Three Stages ◽  
Design Options ◽  
Constitution Making

This chapter explores how patterns of territorial political mobilization influence the processes of Constitution-making and the choices of constitutional design, focusing on seventeen countries that differ significantly in the structure of their politically salient territorial cleavages. The seventeen cases present relatively recent examples of constitutional transitions. The chapter first examines what it calls “constitutional moments” and three contextual variables that shape their structure and dynamics: the political geometry of territorial cleavages, the means to pursue claims for territorial accommodation, and the relative power positions of political actors. The chapter then considers the context and dynamics of constitutional moments, three stages of Constitution-making processes (agenda setting, deliberation, ratification), and three major constitutional design options to respond to claims for territorial accommodation (symmetrical federalism or devolution with a majoritarian central government, highly devolved federalism with a consociational central government, special autonomy for small territories, and a majoritarian central government).

Political Agenda Setting

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus Maurer
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
News Media ◽  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Media Agenda ◽  
Political Decision Making

Political agenda setting is the part of agenda-setting research that refers to the influence of the media agenda on the agenda of political actors. More precisely, the central question of political agenda-setting research is whether political actors adopt the issue agenda of the news media in various aspects ranging from communicating about issues that are prominently discussed in the news media to prioritizing issues from the news media agenda in political decision making. Although such effects have been studied under different labels (agenda building, policy agenda setting) for several decades, research in this field has recently increased significantly based on a new theoretical model introducing the term political agenda setting. Studies based on that model usually find effects of media coverage on the attention political actors pay to various issues, but at the same time point to a number of contingent conditions. First, as found in research on public agenda setting, there is an influence of characteristics of news media (e.g., television news vs. print media) and issues (e.g., obtrusive vs. unobtrusive issues). Second, there is an influence of characteristics of the political context (e.g., government vs. oppositional parties) and characteristics of individual politicians (e.g., generalists vs. specialists). Third, the findings of studies on the political agenda-setting effect differ, depending on which aspects of the political agenda are under examination (e.g., social media messages vs. political decision making).

Political Agenda Setting and the Mass Media

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefaan Walgrave ◽  
Peter Van Aelst
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Individual

Recently, the number of studies examining whether media coverage has an effect on the political agenda has been growing strongly. Most studies found that preceding media coverage does exert an effect on the subsequent attention for issues by political actors. These effects are contingent, though, they depend on the type of issue and the type of political actor one is dealing with. Most extant work has drawn on aggregate time-series designs, and the field is as good as fully non-comparative. To further develop our knowledge about how and why the mass media exert influence on the political agenda, three ways forward are suggested. First, we need better theory about why political actors would adopt media issues and start devoting attention to them. The core of such a theory should be the notion of the applicability of information encapsulated in the media coverage to the goals and the task at hand of the political actors. Media information has a number of features that make it very attractive for political actors to use—it is often negative, for instance. Second, we plead for a disaggregation of the level of analysis from the institutional level (e.g., parliament) or the collective actor level (e.g., party) to the individual level (e.g., members of parliament). Since individuals process media information, and since the goals and tasks of individuals that trigger the applicability mechanism are diverse, the best way to move forward is to tackle the agenda setting puzzle at the individual level. This implies surveying individual elites or, even better, implementing experimental designs to individual elite actors. Third, the field is in dire need of comparative work comparing how political actors respond to media coverage across countries or political systems.

Contested Constitutions

2009 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-338 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jasper de Raadt
Keyword(s):  
Czech Republic ◽  
Central Europe ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
Central European ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Constitution Making

What were the effects of constitution-making procedures on the acceptance of the new “rules of the political game” in postcommunist Central Europe? This article sets out to scrutinise the increasingly popular claim among politicians and scholars of democratisation that inclusiveness and popular involvement in constitution-making processes enhance a constitution's legitimacy. The concept of constitutional conflict, referring to political contestation over the interpretation and application of constitutional relations among state institutions, is introduced as a way to assess constitutional acceptance among politicians. The investigation concentrates on constitutional conflict patterns during the five years following constitution-making in seven Central European countries: Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovakia. Constitution-making procedures varied substantially among the cases, as did the intensity and timing of constitutional conflict. The article finds that differences in constitution-making procedures do not necessarily determine the legitimacy of constitutions among political elites. Instead, ambiguity on the allocation of formal competencies among political actors and increasing political tensions between pro-reform and anti-reform parties during the early 1990s proved to be more important triggers of constitutional conflict. Accordingly, studies on constitution-making and democratisation should focus less on procedural aspects and take into account the fuzziness of important constitutional provisions and the extent to which constitutions can survive periods of intense political polarisation.

Women and the Politics of the Spanish Popular Front: Political Mobilization or Social Revolution?

1986 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Martha A. Ackelsberg
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Social Control ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Revolution ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Revolution

Moments of massive social change, almost by definition, open new social and political arenas to individuals and groups previously prevented from participating in them. Whether because of the sense of possibility that revolutionary moments tend to offer, the collapse of existing mechanisms of social control, or the effects of broad-based mobilization, those previously subordinated often use such moments to take their places on the historical stage. Women, in particular, frequently appear as political actors in such contexts. But just as surely as revolutions tend to open opportunities for participation in the political and social life of a community, the consolidation of power often tends to narrow them, once again—albeit with a new “cast” of political actors. And, if women have tended to benefit from revolutionary moments, they have also suffered the consequences of consolidation: no matter what the ostensible goals of the revolution, as the exercise of power is “regularized,” opportunities for women contract.

scholarly journals Territory and Power in Constitutional Transitions

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Full Range ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Constitutional Design ◽  
Comparative Constitutional Law ◽  
Territorial Politics ◽  
Salient Regions ◽  
Realist View ◽  
Constitution Making

This volume explores the full range of challenges that different kinds of territorial cleavages pose for Constitution-making processes and constitutional design. It provides seventeen case studies of countries going through periods of intense constitutional engagement in which the issue of how to deal with the politics of territory is important. It is unique in that its cases include the full gamut of types of territorial cleavages—small distinct territories, bi-communal countries, highly diverse countries with many politically salient regions, and countries where territorial politics is important but secondary to other bases for political mobilization. While the volume draws significant normative conclusions, it is based on a highly realist view of the implications not only of the territorial and other salient political cleavages in the country (the country’s “political geometry”) but also of the power-configurations that lead into periods of constitutional engagement, so that processes differ depending on whether the preceding politics has been peaceful or violent and whether a victor, military or political, has emerged or whether there is a stalemate or diffused political power. Its thematic chapters on Constitution-making processes and constitutional design, along with the final synthetic chapter, draw original conclusions from the comparative analysis of the case studies and relate these to the literature, both in political science and comparative constitutional law. There are clear lessons that should help practitioners in analyzing their own challenges in dealing with territorial cleavages as well as in considering possible approaches to constitution-making and constitutional design.

Reason, interest and passion in the East European transitions

1999 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 499-519 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jon Elster
Keyword(s):  
Transitional Justice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
East European ◽  
Specific Policy ◽  
Transitions To Democracy ◽  
Forward Looking ◽  
Constitution Making

The politics of transitions to democracy include both the forward-looking task of constitution-making and the backward-looking task of transitional justice. To study these processes and to explain their outcomes, one must among other things identify the motives of the political actors that are involved. Following the French moralists, the article tries to identify and assess the importance of interest, passion and reason as motives of the actors. The article also discusses the tendency for actors to misrepresent their motivations, and the frequent formation of alliances between actors animated by different motives that converge on specific policy issues.

Women and the Politics of the Spanish Popular Front: Political Mobilization or Social Revolution?

1986 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Martha A. Ackelsberg
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Social Control ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Revolution ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Revolution

Moments of massive social change, almost by definition, open new social and political arenas to individuals and groups previously prevented from participating in them. Whether because of the sense of possibility that revolutionary moments tend to offer, the collapse of existing mechanisms of social control, or the effects of broad-based mobilization, those previously subordinated often use such moments to take their places on the historical stage. Women, in particular, frequently appear as political actors in such contexts. But just as surely as revolutions tend to open opportunities for participation in the political and social life of a community, the consolidation of power often tends to narrow them, once again—albeit with a new “cast” of political actors. And, if women have tended to benefit from revolutionary moments, they have also suffered the consequences of consolidation: no matter what the ostensible goals of the revolution, as the exercise of power is “regularized,” opportunities for women contract.

Information Component of Disintegration Processes in Spain and Great Britain: the Comparative Aspects

2019 ◽  
pp. 142-154
Author(s):  
Vasyl Karpo ◽  
Nataliia Nechaieva-Yuriichuk
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Practical Interest ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
World Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Propaganda ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The World ◽  
Ancient Times

From ancient times till nowadays information plays a key role in the political processes. The beginning of XXI century demonstrated the transformation of global security from military to information, social etc. aspects. The widening of pandemic demonstrated the weaknesses of contemporary authoritarian states and the power of human-oriented states. During the World War I the theoretical and practical interest toward political manipulation and political propaganda grew definitely. After 1918 the situation developed very fast and political propaganda became the part of political influence. XX century entered into the political history as the millennium of propaganda. The collapse of the USSR and socialist system brought power to new political actors. The global architecture of the world has changed. Former Soviet republic got independence and tried to separate from Russia. And Ukraine was between them. The Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine was the start point for a number of processes in world politics. But the most important was the fact that the role and the place of information as the challenge to world security was reevaluated. The further annexation of Crimea, the attempt to legitimize it by the comparing with the referendums in Scotland and Catalonia demonstrated the willingness of Russian Federation to keep its domination in the world. The main difference between the referendums in Scotland and in Catalonia was the way of Russian interference. In 2014 (Scotland) tried to delegitimised the results of Scottish referendum because they were unacceptable for it. But in 2017 we witness the huge interference of Russian powers in Spain internal affairs, first of all in spreading the independence moods in Catalonia. The main conclusion is that the world has to learn some lessons from Scottish and Catalonia cases and to be ready to new challenges in world politics in a format of information threats.

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