Conclusion

2020 ◽  
pp. 175-180
Author(s):  
Shmuel Nili
Keyword(s):  
Military Coup ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Augusto Pinochet ◽  
The Military ◽  
Chilean Government

December 2006 saw the passing of General Augusto Pinochet, who ruled Chile through a military dictatorship that lasted almost seventeen years. Pinochet’s regime, which had its roots in a 1973 military coup against Salvador Allende’s democratically elected government, murdered thousands and tortured tens of thousands. Upon Pinochet’s passing, the Chilean government allowed the military to hold official ceremonies mourning him, but refused to honor the military dictator with a head-of-state funeral....

Cover-Up

2019 ◽  
pp. 199-213
Author(s):  
Alan McPherson
Keyword(s):  
Justice System ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Direct Role ◽  
Augusto Pinochet ◽  
The Military ◽  
Cover Up ◽  
Chilean Government

This chapter begins Part Three, “Prosecution,” which chronicles the pursuit of justice in Chile against Manuel Contreras, Pedro Espinoza, and Armando Fernández. US courts previously indicted the three Chileans, and US investigators and diplomats push the Chilean government to try them. The Chilean justice system, nominally independent but under the influence of the military dictatorship, judges the evidence against the three to be insufficient for a trial. Augusto Pinochet takes a direct role in covering up his government’s planning of the assassination.

Epilogue

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Barr-Melej
Keyword(s):  
Military Regime ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Augusto Pinochet Ugarte ◽  
Augusto Pinochet ◽  
The Military

The epilogue briefly pushes the book’s discussion forward in time, into 1974, when countercultural youths faced very different conditions put upon them by a military regime whose leaders were familiar with anticounterculture discourses, especially those of the Allende years. Upon the military coup (led by General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte) that ended Allende’s presidency and democracy in September 1973, matters turned from troublesome to dismal for many hippies (including Jorge Gómez), Siloists, and countercultural youths in general as the dictatorship forcefully imposed its notion about youth, discipline, and culture.

scholarly journals O GOLPE DE 1964 E O REGIME DE 1968: ASPECTOS CONJUNTURAIS E VARIÁVEIS HISTÓRICAS

2004 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Adriano Nervo Codato
Keyword(s):  
Explanatory Variable ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Historical Process ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Political Problem ◽  
Particular Solution ◽  
The Military

O trabalho trata da evolução política do Brasil num período determinado de seu desenvolvimento. Discute-se o processo de conversão do “regime autoritário” no pós-1964 em regime ditatorial-militar no pós-1968. O objetivo do artigo é examinar a causa da edição do Ato Institucional n.º 5, logo, da vitória da extrema-direita militar, e, portanto, do fracasso político do movimento oposicionista nessa conjuntura. A questão central que informa a análise é a seguinte: é possível encontrar uma variável explicativa na interpretação desse processo histórico que dê conta do porquê da supremacia do “grupo palaciano” (a corrente ideológica militar então mais influente), e da sua solução para a crise do regime, bem como da derrota das “oposições”? O problema teórico de fundo aqui é o das determinações de um evento político, isto é, a articulação dos nexos causais que explicam determinado resultado histórico. São examinadas duas explicações correntes da literatura de Ciência Política e História Política e proposta uma terceira, que enfatiza, principalmente, variáveis de tipo ideológico. The 1964 Military Coup and the Regime of 1968: conjunctural aspects and historical variables Abstract This paper analyses Brazil’s political evolution during a specific moment. It discusses the processes of conversion of the post-1964 “authoritarian regime” to the post-1968 regime of military dictatorship. The article’s principal aim is to examine the reasons for the issuing of Institutional Act 5, which meant the victory of the military’s extreme right-wing and therefore the political defeat of opposition forces. The central issue informing the analysis is the question of whether it is possible to find an explanatory variable for the interpretation of this historical process that could account for the supremacy of the “grupo palaciano” (the most influential ideological current within the military corporation at that time) and their particular solution for the military crisis, as well as for the defeat of “opposition” forces. The underlying political problem here regards the factors that determine political events, that is, the articulation of causal links that can explain a particular historical result. Two common explanations in Political Science’s and Political History’s literature are explored and a third explanation is proposed, one that places particular emphasis on ideological variables.

Each/Every: CADA's Radically Democratic Dramaturgy of Dissent

2020 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-27
Author(s):  
Jennifer Joan Thompson
Keyword(s):  
South America ◽  
Central Moment ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
South American ◽  
Work Of Art ◽  
Art Installation ◽  
Augusto Pinochet ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Military ◽  
Colectivo Acciones De Arte

We are therefore saying that the work of expanding the habitual levels of life is the only valid art installation / the only exhibition / the only work of art that lives.We are artists and we feel ourselves participating in the grand aspirations of all, presuming today, with South American love, the gliding of eyes over these lines.Oh, South America.In this way, together, we construct the beginning of the work: a recognition in our minds; erasing the trades: life as a creative act …That is the art / the work / this is the work of art that we propose.—¡Ay Sudamérica!, Colectivo Acciones de Arte, July 1981At 11 a.m. on 11 September 1973, the Chilean Air Force bombed the presidential palace, La Moneda, as part of an attack that ended the presidency of Salvador Allende, suspended democracy, and initiated the repressive military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. Eight years later, on 12 July 1981, in the midst of dictatorship, six airplanes again flew over Santiago in military formation. This time, however, the planes did not drop bombs. Instead, they scattered four hundred thousand pamphlets with a text that urged Chileans to claim their space, thoughts, and lives by asserting the potential for artistry within all people. This art action, titled ¡Ay Sudamérica! (Oh, South America!) and orchestrated by the Colectivo Acciones de Arte (Art Actions Collective, or CADA), subversively re-created a central moment from the violent history of the military coup in order to disturb and articulate an alternative course for that history (Fig. 1). In doing so, CADA challenged the regime's conception of Chilean citizenship by calling for an expanded space of existence and invoking the possibility of an artistic and contestatory subjectivity within everyone.

Children’s Gaze in Contemporary Cinema: A Transatlantic Poetics of Exile and Historical Memory

2019 ◽  
pp. 193-205
Author(s):  
Cecilia Enjuto-Rangel
Keyword(s):  
Historical Memory ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Ideal Space ◽  
Small Country ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Politics Of Memory ◽  
Nationalist Discourse ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
Brazilian Film ◽  
The Military

This essay examines two contemporary films whose child protagonists end up in exile due to the violent military regimes in their respective native countries: Paisito (Small country, 2008), a Spanish-Uruguayan-Argentine coproduction that attempts to construct a Transatlantic poetics of exile and memory, and yet fails; and a Brazilian film, O ano em que meus pais saíram de férias (The Year My Parents Went on Vacation, 2006), which places exiles at the center of a nostalgic, nationalist discourse in which Brazil appears as a multiethnic, multicultural and multiracial ideal space threatened by the military dictatorship. Both Paisitoand The Year represent the 1970s in Uruguay and Brazil, countries torn by a military coup and a military dictatorship. In both films, soccer is presented as a central space, although it is at times questioned as a force for national cohesion; and in both films the child protagonists face exile when their fathers are killed by the military regimes. Both expose how the state uses soccer as a tool of collective appeasement, and yet the nostalgic recuperation of soccer as game seems in some way to infantilize the politics of memory.

Chile: Military and Politics in the 20th Century

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Loveman
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Socialist Republic ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
Augusto Pinochet ◽  
The Military

Despite the common identification of Chile as “exceptional” among Latin American nations, the military played a key role in 20th-century Chilean politics and continues to do so in the first decades of the 21st century. Both 20th-century constitutions were adopted under military tutelage, after military coups: two coups—1924–1925 (the 1925 Constitution) and the military coup in 1973 (the 1980 constitution). A successful coup in 1932 established the short-lived “Chilean Socialist Republic.” Infrequent but sometimes serious failed military coups decisively influenced the course of Chilean politics: 1912, 1919, 1931–1932 (several), 1933, 1935, 1936, 1938, 1939, 1948, 1954, 1969, June 1973, 1986 (“coup within the coup” against Augusto Pinochet by air force officers), and others. Monographic and article-length histories of each of these events exist detailing their rationale and eventual failure. Severe political polarization in the context of the post-Cuban Revolution Cold War wave of military coups (1961–1976) in Latin America resulted in the breakdown of the Chilean political system in 1973. U.S. support for a military coup to oust the elected socialist president exacerbated the internal political strife. When a military junta ousted socialist president Salvador Allende in 1973, the military leaders claimed that they had ousted the Allende government to rescue Chilean democracy from the threat of international communism and civil war, and to restore the 1925 Constitution and the rule of law In 1973, the armed forces established a dictatorship that lasted almost 17 years and imposed a new constitution that is still in place in 2020 (with amendments). During this period (1973–1990), military officers occupied ministerial posts in the presidential cabinet, a military junta (Junta de Gobierno) acted as the legislature, and much of the public administration was militarized. Massive human rights violations took place involving all three branches of the armed forces and the national police (carabineros). After a plebiscite that rejected continued rule by General Augusto Pinochet and elections in 1989, the country returned to civilian government in March 1990. From 1990 until 2020 the country experienced gradual “normalization” of civil–military relations under elected civilian governments. After 1998, the threat of another military coup and reestablishment of military government largely disappeared. Constitutional reforms in 2005 reestablished much (but not all) of civilian control over defense and security policy and oversight of the armed forces. Nevertheless, reorganization of defense and security policymaking remained salient political issues and the armed forces continued to play an important role in national politics, policymaking, and internal administration.

Mahdism and Islamism in Sudan

1995 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriel Warburg
Keyword(s):  
Gain Control ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Islamic Movement ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Sufi Order ◽  
The Military ◽  
Political Scene

On 30 June 1989, a military coup overthrew the democratically elected government of al-Sadiq al-Mahdi in Sudan and replaced it with a fundamentalist Muslim dictatorship headed by Colonel ʿUmar Hasan al-Bashir and adhering to the radical Islamic ideology of the National Islamic Front (NIF), under the leadership of Dr. Hasan al-Turabi. Since June 1881 when Muhammad Ahmad ibn ʿAbdallah declared that he was the expected mahdī, the religious-political scene of Sudan had been largely dominated by Mahdists and Khatmiyya adherents. Even under colonial rule, in the years 1899–1955, Mahdism continued to flourish despite the fact that the British rulers treated it with suspicion and preferred Sayyid ʿAli al-Mirghani, leader of the more docile Khatmiyya Sufi order. The defeat of the Mahdist Umma Party in the first general elections in 1953, by a coalition of secularists and Khatmiyya supporters was only a temporary setback. After Sudan became independent, in 1956, Mahdist supremacy was challenged both by the Khatmiyya and other groups, but its mass support among the Ansar, a political Islamic movement, enabled them to gain control, except during brief periods when so-called secularists governed independent Sudan. This happened in 1953–56 when the Khatmiyya joined forces with the intelligentsia, and again between October 1964 and March 1965 when the country was governed by a secular, transitional, nonelected government that was ousted from power as soon as the sects regained control. Secularism also thrived briefly under the military dictatorship of Jaʿfar al-Numayri between 1969 and 1977.

Cuando Vienen Matando: On Prepositional Shifts and the Struggle of Testimonial Subjects for Agency

PMLA ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 121 (5) ◽  
pp. 1665-1669 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alicia Partnoy
Keyword(s):  
Personal Narratives ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Academic Training ◽  
First Person ◽  
Public Intellectuals ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Thirtieth Anniversary ◽  
Historical Truth ◽  
The Military ◽  
Theoretical Reflection

As i write these lines, back in Argentina a myriad of commemorative events mark the thirtieth anniversary of the genocidal military coup that destroyed our movement for social change in the 1970s. An outpour of testimonial texts is reaching the presses. The words of public intellectuals pepper interviews and newspaper articles dealing with the currency of the testimonial first person. Beatriz Sarlo's new book Tiempo pasado. Cultura de la memoria y giro subjetivo. Una discusion contributes to this debate. Sarlo recognizes the value of the testimonial first person for legal purposes, to set records straight while other documentation is not available (24) and to secure justice. She admits that personal narratives can be a source for historians (25). Sarlo argues, however, that excessive trust is placed on victims and survivors as producers of historical truth (62, 63). Her intervention has been called polemical by journalists in the country and abroad. Arturo Jiménez, from the Mexican newspaper La jornada, has seen it as a call to “go beyond the overwhelming predominance of the testimonial account of the repression by the military dictatorship and to engage with more strength in theoretical reflections to be able to understand what has happened” (my trans.). What concerns me about these words and Sarlo's statements is the belief that survivors are unfit for theoretical reflection unless they undergo traditional academic training and do not refer directly to their experience.

scholarly journals A “União dos Estudantes Secundaristas do Amapá” e apoio ao golpe militar de 1964 / The “Amapá Union of Secondary Students” and their support for the military coup of 1964

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-68
Author(s):  
Marcella Vieira Viana
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Secondary Students ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Student Movement ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Truth Commission ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Military

O presente artigo visa analisar a atuação da União dos Estudantes Secundaristas do Amapá, durante a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil, em específico, como se deu a deliberação de apoio da entidade ao golpe. Para tanto, foi necessário analisar as peculiaridades da recepção do regime autoritário no então Território Federal do Amapá, o Movimento Estudantil de forma ampla, os aspectos constitutivos da União dos Estudantes Secundaristas do Amapá, suas divisões e seu desenvolvimento diante do golpe. O objetivo com isso, foi traçar as correspondências existentes entre esses aspectos e as ações de apoio que se sucederam em nome da entidade. O artigo baseou-se em fontes bibliográficas sobre o tema e em depoimentos cedidos pela Comissão Estadual da Verdade do Amapá, disponibilizados durante a construção do relatório publicado no ano de 2017. Dentre os resultados, foi possível visualizar que a atuação da União dos Estudantes Secundaristas do Amapá foi bem mais do que um apoio ao regime militar, mas fora heterogênea, e teve sua trajetória ligada a características do território, ao poder, ao regionalismo, às classes e muitos outros aspectos que influenciaram a tomada de decisões de grupos dentro da entidade. This article aims to analyze the performance of the Amapá Union of Secondary Students during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil, specifically, how the deliberation of support of the entity to the coup took place. For that, it was necessary to analyze the peculiarities of the reception of the authoritarian regime in the then Federal Territory of Amapá, the Student Movement in a broad way, the constitutive aspects of the Amapá Union of Secondary Students, its divisions and its development in the face of the coup. The objective was to trace the correspondence between these aspects and the support actions that followed on behalf of the entity. The article was based on bibliographic sources on the subject and on testimonials provided by the Amapá State Truth Commission, which were made available during the construction of the report published in 2017. Among the results, it was possible to visualize that Amapá Union of Secondary Students performance was much more than a support to the military regime, but it had been heterogeneous and had its trajectory linked to characteristics of the territory, power, regionalism, classes and many other aspects that influenced the decision making of groups within the entity.

scholarly journals Simulacra of the Victim “Mythological machine”, Violence and Power in the Testimonies of Alfredo Meza and Nancy Guzmán

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniuska González González ◽  
Claire Mercier
Keyword(s):  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Testimonial Literature ◽  
Augusto Pinochet ◽  
The Common ◽  
Hugo Chavez ◽  
The Military

This article analyses the testimonies Así mataron a Danilo Anderson by Alfredo Meza and Ingrid Olderock. La mujer de los perros by Nancy Guzmán, stressing facticity, that is the symbiosis between verifiable and imagined elements, which implies a renewal of the character of testimonial literature and enables a reading of these works beyond the format of journalistic investigation. This factitious receptacle allows to evince the common direction of both texts: in dissimilar contexts of politic violence, such as the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet in Chile and Hugo Chávez Frías regime in Venezuela, power sets in motion a “mythological machine of the victim”, with the aim of creating subjectivities related to their ideology and with the its purpose of making eternal a truth that ends up being a simulacrum of it.

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