scholarly journals O GOLPE DE 1964 E O REGIME DE 1968: ASPECTOS CONJUNTURAIS E VARIÁVEIS HISTÓRICAS

2004 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Adriano Nervo Codato
Keyword(s):  
Explanatory Variable ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Historical Process ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Political Problem ◽  
Particular Solution ◽  
The Military

O trabalho trata da evolução política do Brasil num período determinado de seu desenvolvimento. Discute-se o processo de conversão do “regime autoritário” no pós-1964 em regime ditatorial-militar no pós-1968. O objetivo do artigo é examinar a causa da edição do Ato Institucional n.º 5, logo, da vitória da extrema-direita militar, e, portanto, do fracasso político do movimento oposicionista nessa conjuntura. A questão central que informa a análise é a seguinte: é possível encontrar uma variável explicativa na interpretação desse processo histórico que dê conta do porquê da supremacia do “grupo palaciano” (a corrente ideológica militar então mais influente), e da sua solução para a crise do regime, bem como da derrota das “oposições”? O problema teórico de fundo aqui é o das determinações de um evento político, isto é, a articulação dos nexos causais que explicam determinado resultado histórico. São examinadas duas explicações correntes da literatura de Ciência Política e História Política e proposta uma terceira, que enfatiza, principalmente, variáveis de tipo ideológico. The 1964 Military Coup and the Regime of 1968: conjunctural aspects and historical variables Abstract This paper analyses Brazil’s political evolution during a specific moment. It discusses the processes of conversion of the post-1964 “authoritarian regime” to the post-1968 regime of military dictatorship. The article’s principal aim is to examine the reasons for the issuing of Institutional Act 5, which meant the victory of the military’s extreme right-wing and therefore the political defeat of opposition forces. The central issue informing the analysis is the question of whether it is possible to find an explanatory variable for the interpretation of this historical process that could account for the supremacy of the “grupo palaciano” (the most influential ideological current within the military corporation at that time) and their particular solution for the military crisis, as well as for the defeat of “opposition” forces. The underlying political problem here regards the factors that determine political events, that is, the articulation of causal links that can explain a particular historical result. Two common explanations in Political Science’s and Political History’s literature are explored and a third explanation is proposed, one that places particular emphasis on ideological variables.

scholarly journals A verdade da direita: a produção audiovisual de memória sobre a ditadura de 1964

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mônica Mourão
Keyword(s):  
Military Coup ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Independent Media ◽  
Public Money ◽  
The Military

This paper aims to understand memory operations made by Brasil Paralelo (Parallel Brazil) to construct a positive imaginary of Brazilian military dictatorship (1964-1985) as a strategy in nowadays politics. Brasil Paralelo is an independent media, in their own words. It was created in 2016, the year President Dilma Rousseff was impeached. According to their creators, Brasil Paralelo is not an enterprise or an NGO. It does not accept public money and it’s sustained by people’s donation. On March 31, the documentary “1964, o Brasil entre armas e livros” (“1964, Brazil among guns and books”) was realesed, exactly in the military coup anniversary. This paper is going to analyze it, aiming to understand the role of right-wing audiovisual productions in the disputes of Brazilian memory concerning the military dictatorship.

scholarly journals Jaime Wright (1929-1999) e a defesa dos direitos humanos no contexto da resistência à ditadura militar no brasil | Jaime Wright (1929-1999) and the defense of human rights in the context of the military dictatorship resistance in Brazil

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 09-22
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Pinto de Andrade ◽  
Rogerio De Almeida Souza
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Support ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Brazilian Society ◽  
Politically Persecuted ◽  
The Military

Este texto tem como objetivo analisar a vida e a obra de Jaime Nelson Wright (1927-1999), pastor presbiteriano, opositor do regime militar no Brasil e intelectual engajado na luta pela defesa dos direitos humanos. Foi uma das vozes que mais combateu a ditadura militar no interior do protestantismo brasileiro. Desde a deflagração do golpe em 1964, fez a opção político/religiosa de não aderir ao regime autoritário. Wright se vinculou ao movimento estudantil e dedicou-se ao amparo religioso/pastoral dos perseguidos políticos. Sua contribuição como intelectual, perpassa o campo religioso. Ele atuou junto aos organismos internacionais voltados para a defesa dos direitos humanos e fundamentais à vida e denunciou as atrocidades do regime militar no Brasil. Para a efetivação da pesquisa foram utilizadas as seguintes fontes: documentos e imagens disponibilizados pelo projeto Brasil: Nunca Mais; jornais da época: entrevistas e matérias; decretos e leis. Os dados revelados pelas fontes indicam que a vida e obra de Jaime Wright contribuíram decisivamente para o processo de redemocratização do Brasil. This text analyzes the life and work of Jaime Nelson Wright (1927-1999), a Presbyterian pastor, a fierce opponent of the military regime in Brazil, and intellectually engaged in the struggle for the defense of human rights. He was one of the voices that most fought the military dictatorship in the Brazilian Protestant movement. Since the outbreak of the coup in 1964, he made the political and religious choice of not joining the authoritarian regime. Wright joined the student movement and dedicated himself to the religious support of the politically persecuted. His contribution as a committed intellectual goes beyond the clerical field. He was involved with international organizations dedicated to the defense of human rights and the fundamental rights to life. He also exposed the military regime's atrocities. For the realization of the research were used the following sources: documents and images made available by the Project Brazil: Never Again; newspapers of the time: interviews and stories; decrees and laws. The data revealed by the sources, indicate the life and work of Jaime Wright contributed in a decisive way to the re-democratization process in the Brazilian society.

scholarly journals Turkey’s political crisis of the 1970s and the military coup on September 12, 1980

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 234-238
Author(s):  
Malika S. Tovsultanova ◽  
Rustam A. Tovsultanov ◽  
Lilia N. Galimova
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Economic Downturn ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Us ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Military ◽  
The City

In the 1970s, Turkey was in a state of political turbulence. Weak coalition governments changed frequently and could not bring order to the country. The city streets turned into an arena of battles for various armed radical groups of nationalist, communist, Islamist and separatist persuasions. For 9 years from 1971 to 1980, 10 governments changed in Turkey. The political crisis was accompanied by an economic downturn, expressed in hyperinflation and an increase in external debt. Chaos and anarchy caused discontent among Turkish financial circles and generals with the situation in the country and led to the idea of a military coup, already the third in the republican history of Turkey. The US State Department was extremely concerned about the situation in Turkey, hoping to find a reliable cover against further exports of communism and Islamism to the Middle East, approving the possibility of a coup. The coup was led by the chief of the General Staff K. Evren. Political events of the second half of the 1970s allow us to conclude that, despite the interest of the financial and military circles of the United States in it, the military coup on September 12, 1980 had mainly domestic political reasons.

scholarly journals The anniversary of the military coup attempt in Turkey, July 15–16, 2016. The evolution of a political system

2017 ◽  
pp. 63-68
Author(s):  
Y. S. Kudryashova
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Ruling Party ◽  
Coup Attempt

During the government of AK Party army leaders underprivileged to act as an exclusive guarantor preserving a secular regime in the country. The political balance between Secular and Islamite elites was essentially removed after Erdogan was elected Turkish President. Consistently toughening authoritarian regime of a ruling party deeply accounts for a military coup attempt and earlier periodically occurred disturbance especially among the young. The methods of a coup showed the profundity of a split and the lack of cohesion in Turkish armed forces. Erdogan made the best use of a coup attempt’s opportunities to concentrate all power in his hands and to consolidate a present regime. The mass support of the population during a coup attempt ensured opportunities for a fundamental reorganization of a political system. Revamped Constitution at most increases political powers of the President.

Against the Authoritarian Orator and His Pater familias: Deviant Literarity and Orphaned Speech in El padre mío by Diamela Eltit and Lotty Rosenfeld

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 012-021
Author(s):  
Nan Zheng ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Collaborative Work ◽  
National Literature ◽  
The Political ◽  
Diamela Eltit ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Augusto Pinochet ◽  
Visual Artist

Published in the last year of Augusto Pinochet Ugarte’s military dictatorship saw its end, My Father (El padre mío) constitutes an interprofessional, collaborative work between Chile National Literature Prize winner Diamela Eltit and visual artist Lotty Rosenfeld, composed of unaltered transcriptions of three monologues (dis)articulated by a schizophrenic vagrant who referred to himself as My Father. By re-enacting the vagrant’s irrational utterances in a truthful but parodic manner, Eltit and Rosenfeld “orphaned” these spoken words into a work of written literature that mocked the authoritarian voice of the dictator who had imposed himself as the Grand Orator of the Nation and the Father of Chile. The main objective of the present work, which is principally based on the conceptualization of Mute Speech by Jacques Rancière, is to examine the political dimension of Eltit and Rosenfeld’s aesthetic endeavor: through an exploration of the possibilities of political emancipation that the vagrant’s fatherless monologues fostered in My Father, our study demonstrates that what neoliberal civil society presupposes as objectionable animalistic noises may be capable of intervening in what Rancière refers to as the “distribution of sensible” and its consolidated aesthetics of hierarchy, thus subverting the fable of pater familias and pater patriae concocted by Pinochet’s right-wing military regime.

Conclusion

2020 ◽  
pp. 175-180
Author(s):  
Shmuel Nili
Keyword(s):  
Military Coup ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Augusto Pinochet ◽  
The Military ◽  
Chilean Government

December 2006 saw the passing of General Augusto Pinochet, who ruled Chile through a military dictatorship that lasted almost seventeen years. Pinochet’s regime, which had its roots in a 1973 military coup against Salvador Allende’s democratically elected government, murdered thousands and tortured tens of thousands. Upon Pinochet’s passing, the Chilean government allowed the military to hold official ceremonies mourning him, but refused to honor the military dictator with a head-of-state funeral....

scholarly journals RESERVA DE MERCADO: UM MAL ENTENDIDO CASO POLÍTICO-TECNOLÓGICO DE “SUCESSO” DEMOCRÁTICO E “FRACASSO” AUTORITÁRIO

2000 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Da Costa Marques
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Successful Implementation ◽  
Satisfactory Explanation ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Special Character ◽  
Computer Professionals ◽  
Two Phases ◽  
The Military

A oferta ao mercado de produtos tecnicamente defasados com preços altos e a pressão norte-americana são explicações insatisfatórias para que a reserva de mercado no setor da informática praticada no Brasil, nos anos 70 e 80, seja hoje uma experiência ainda mais intensamente rejeitada do que considerada fracassada. A situação requer explicações mais complexas. Este artigo oferece uma nova explicação para o fracasso e a rejeição e também para um pouco conhecido sucesso da reserva de mercado, colocando em cena três fatores sociotécnicos específicos: o caráter especial da comunidade de profissionais brasileiros de informática, a intervenção do SNI (a polícia política da ditadura) e o advento dos microcomputadores. A imbricação desses fatores problematiza de uma nova forma os vínculos entre a reserva de mercado, o caráter autoritário do regime militar e os ideais do liberalismo democrático. A abordagem de inclinação sociotécnica aqui adotada divide o período em duas fases em que esses vínculos diferem radicalmente. Com surpresa, a primeira fase da reserva do mercado dos computadores no Brasil mostra uma afinidade não explorada entre as formas democráticas e a possibilidade de sucesso de políticas industriais para o desenvolvimento das ciências e das tecnologias nos países em desenvolvimento. Abstract Supplying the computer market with technically obsolete and high priced products plus the American pressure do not provide a satisfactory explanation for the fact that the market reserve practiced in Brazil in the 1980-90 is today even more intensely rejected than just taken as a failure. The situation requires more complex explanations. This paper offers a new explanation for the rejection and failure of the market reserve, and for its little known success as well, by means of three specific sociotechnical factors: the special character of the community of Brazilian computer professionals, the intervention of the political police of the military dictatorship (SNI), and the appearance of the microcomputer. This paper runs against the mainstream opinion that does not sufficiently problematizes the links between the market reserve, the authoritarian character of the military regime, and liberal democratic ideals. The sociotechnically inspired approach here adopted performs a division of the period into two phases where these links differ radically. Surprisingly, the first phase of the computer market reserve presents a frequently denied affinity between the democratic forms and the possibility of successful implementation of industrial and scientific policies seeking the development of sciences and technologies in developing countries.

The Armed Forces in Latin America: Potential for Changes in Political and Social Functions

1972 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 375-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manfred Kossok
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Functions ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Number Of Publications ◽  
The Military ◽  
Coups D'etat

At the beginning of this study of military dictatorship and the political role of the intellectuals in Latin America, Florestan Fernandes (1970: 1) makes the following statement: “The idea that Latin America is a region in which the coups d'état are a political routine has become a commonplace.” Without doubt, such an opinion is justified and also explains—at least to a certain extent—the wealth of “routine” verdicts on the function of the military in Latin America. A contradiction, however, seems evident at this point: while the number of publications on the political and social position of the armed forces is rapidly increasing (McAlister, 1966; Rouquié, 1969), there is an evident lack of comprehensive analyses that go beyond detailed description, and which explain in a reliable and sound manner the phenomenon of the cyclically increasing militarization of politics. It cannot be overlooked that research on the role of the military in Latin America is in a really critical situation which calls for a reexamination of the facts according to new criteria.

EL ORDEN POLáTICO SEGÚN LA DICTADURA CáVICO-MILITAR ARGENTINA 1976-1983

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (16) ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTA PHILP
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
The Core ◽  
Central Task ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Military

Resumen: En el trabajo se analizan las intervenciones de los militares que gobernaron la Argentina  durante la dictadura cá­vico-militar en Argentina en el perá­odo 1976-1983, destinadas a lograr una  tarea central de todo régimen polá­tico: la justificación del poder. A partir de la exclusión de la  polá­tica, declamada pero no practicada, se apropiaron de distintos escenarios para construir maneras  de definir el orden polá­tico, nombrado como democracia sustancial, democracia de los mejores en  oposición a la demagogia, causa de su nueva irrupción en la historia polá­tica argentina el 24 de  marzo de 1976. La imperiosa necesidad de concluir con esta democracia desvirtuada era presentada  como eje de su tarea central: reorganizar la nación, tarea que originó su autodenominación como  ”Proceso de Reorganización Nacional”. Esta reconstrucción de los esfuerzos de los militares en el  poder para legitimar su accionar pretende aportar a la comprensión y explicación de las rupturas  institucionales en América Latina, seguidas de la instauración de gobiernos autoritarios.Palabras clave: Dictadura cá­vico-militar, Justificación del poder, Orden polá­tico.  THE POLITICAL ORDER ACCORDING TO THE ARGENTINE CIVIC-MILITARY DICTATORSHIP 1976-1983Abstract: The paper discusses the interventions by the military which ruled the Argentina during  the military dictatorship in Argentina during the 1976-1983, aimed at achieving a central task of any  political regime: the justification of power. From the exclusion of the policy, recited but not  practiced, they appropriated various scenarios to build ways to define the political order, named as  substantial democracy, democracy of the best as opposed to demagoguery, cause of the new  outbreak in Argentine political history on March 24, 1976. The urgent need to conclude with this  democracy undermined was presented as the core of its central task: reorganizing the nation, task  which originated its self-designation as "Proceso de Reorganización Nacional". This reconstruction  of the efforts of the military power to legitimize their actions intended to contribute to the  understanding and explanation of institutional ruptures in Latin America, followed by the  establishment of authoritarian governments.Keyswords: Civic-military dictatorship, Justification of the power, Political order.

A Catalan contribution to the myth of the contubernio Judeo-Masónico-Bolchevique

Modern Italy ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 461-472
Author(s):  
Paul Preston
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
School Teachers ◽  
Card Index ◽  
The Military

One of the principal justifications for the military coup of 1936 and the subsequent plan of extermination behind right-wing violence in the Civil War was the accusation that the Second Republic was the anti-Spanish instrument of the Jewish-Masonic-Bolshevik conspiracy. Thus, when the conspirators declared that punishment had to be inflicted on freemasons, liberal politicians, journalists, school-teachers, professors, as well as on leftists and trade-unionists, they used the idea of an evil Jewish conspiracy to destroy the Christian world. Of all of the writers who called for an assault on progressive Spain, those who might be termed the ‘theorists of extermination’, the most influential was the Catalan priest, Juan Tusquets Terrats (1901–1998). Awareness and approval of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion was promoted through his enormously popular writings. During the Civil War, he became an adviser to Generals Mola and Franco and his file-card index of names of supposed freemasons was part of the infrastructure of repression.

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