Partisan Government and Interest Groups

Author(s):  
Zaad Mahmood

The chapter further elaborates the theme of partisanship by analysing the role of business groups and trade unions in shaping labour market reforms. The chapter evaluates business and trade unions as contending interests in shaping labour reforms across the states to explain variations in labour market. Disaggregated analysis of relative strength and organization of the interest groups shows that the influence of interest groups depends more on their proximity to the government than material resources or their organizational capacity. This is most evident in Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh where relative strength of business groups and trade unions do not corroborate labour market outcomes. The finding reaffirms the centrality of governments and political parties due to the historical weakness of civil society organizations and legacy of state intervention in India.

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hillel Schmid

Abstract The paper analyzes the relations between the government and Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) during the COVID-19 pandemic in Israel. The paper presents the inconsistent policy of the government, which has been influenced by various interest groups and the very limited financial support allocated to CSOs during the health, economic and social crisis. The paper describes the government’s alienated attitude toward the CSOs as well as the reasons for that behavior. Special attention is devoted to the government’s misunderstanding of the mission and roles of CSOs in modern society, especially at times of crisis and national disasters. The paper also analyzes the organizational and strategic behavior of CSOs toward the government, which has also contributed to the alienated attitude of the government toward them. I argue that relations between CSOs and the government should be based on more trust, mutuality, and understanding on the part of both actors in order to change power-dependence relations, and that there is a need to establish more cross-sectoral partnerships for the benefit of citizens.


Author(s):  
Olena GOLOVNYA

The article is devoted to the research of lobbying activities as an important component of the process of forming the state policy of socio-economic development. The author emphasizes that the Ukrainian economy has a high dependence on the external environment, as well as high sensitivity to global economic fluctuations. In turn, the openness of the country's economy is a significant factor in its involvement in modern value chains, global and regional integration. It is determined that securing a full-fledged public-private partnership in the modern world requires lobbying as a deliberate influence on the public by the authorities in order to make a number of economic decisions. The study found that the structure of the phenomenon of "lobbying" includes three main components: object, subject, technology. Thus, lobbying in the modern world appears to be a complex process of purposeful influence on the government in order to obtain the desired solution. The purpose of lobbying structures activities is often a series of decisions, in which the adoption of laws concerning economic activity and investment, innovation, and customs policies is of great importance. It is revealed that lobbying requires an extensive network of institutions and organizations - from trade unions and business owners to the media and civil society organizations. Significant influence on the advancement of national socio-economic priorities is exercised by consulting firms, mass media, non-state think tanks, various industry associations. Lobbying in developed countries is a tool for cooperation and communication that leads to progressive decisions that are beneficial to both business and society. This confirms the progressive experience of the USA and the EU. The study draws attention to the fact that Ukraine mainly practices shadow lobbying, since the activities of domestic lobbyists are not regulated by any legislative acts. This is explained by the fact that our business and political leaders benefit from such interaction when large financial and industry groups sponsor, large decision-makers and expensive electoral campaigns.


2007 ◽  
Vol 123 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-17
Author(s):  
Peter van Onselen ◽  
Wayne Errington

This article analyses the Howard government's $55 million information campaign to sell its new industrial relations (IR) reforms. The expensive advertising campaign was spread across newspapers, television channels, radio stations and even on internet sites. It was widely criticised by media professionals, politicians and interest groups. The IR information campaign was an example of ‘permanent campaigning’ because it was an overtly partisan information campaign that appeared in the middle of an electoral cycle. It was also emblematic of the blurred lines between government and political advertising. However, the IR information campaign also revealed the limitations of incumbency advantage and the limitations to some aspects of the modern trend towards permanent campaigning. Public anger over the plethora of taxpayer-funded advertisements limited the effectiveness of the messages being delivered. The government persisted with the information campaign — perhaps a signal it was designed not to turn public opinion in favour of the reforms, but to prevent an increase in public dissatisfaction following the negative campaign being waged by the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU).


Significance The draft law was presented by Labour Minister Myriam El Khomry in late February and aims at introducing more flexibility in France's rigid labour market. The government has led a promotional campaign in favour of the reform, against a backdrop of opposition from trade unions, students and public opinion. Valls has watered down the most controversial proposals but even in its current state the proposed reform would be a significant step forward. Impacts The government will need to assemble a diverse majority spanning the centre-left to the centre-right in order to pass the draft law by July. Reformist trade unions support the revised version of the law but more militant unions maintain their opposition. The right wing and the main employer association oppose the revised draft which they consider not favourable enough to companies.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yannick Fosso Djoumessi ◽  
Benjamin AWODUMI ◽  
Oluyemi ADEOSUN ◽  
Faith AHABYOONA

Abstract This study is designed to assess the impact of household electricity access on labour market outcomes in Uganda. The quasi-experimental method is applied on a sample of 28,035 households, divided into two counterfactual of treatment (n=8,925) and control (n=19,110) groups. Results strongly show that access to electricity significantly increases wages while decreasing the time spent at work. Specifically, the average wage of the households with access to electricity increased by 155%, 124% and 154% with the Kernel Matching (KM), Nearest-Neighbor Matching (NNM) and Radius Matching (RM) technique, respectively. The average job duration of households with electricity access decreased by 1.34%, 2.01% and 2.5% with KM, NNM and RM technique, respectively. It is recommended that the government of Uganda should increase electricity generation coverage through alternative sources as renewable and nuclear energy and improve the quality of existing energy infrastructures. JEL codes: C13, C31


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 27-32
Author(s):  
Tymofiy Desyatov

Abstract The article analyzes the development of competency-based professional training standards and their implementation into educational process in foreign countries. It determines that the main idea of competency-based approach is competency-and-active learning, which aims at complex acquirement of diverse skills and ways of practice activities via mastering respective competences. The article states that competency is the product of competence due to which a person successfully realizes themselves in different spheres of their professional engagement, gains social independence and becomes mobile and qualified. The article also dwells on the international experience of professional and training standards development, it analyses specific internal national, as well as external all-European and worldwide conceptions of professional and training standards development, conceptual foundations of competency-based approach in national higher education within the framework of global information society formation. It highlights specific aspects of standards development based on activity-oriented technologies and professional competence assessment. The article states that within the framework of competency-based teaching and training, quality-assuring actions have to ensure the correspondence of standards and learning outcomes. It informs that the labour market is represented by employers, trade unions and the government. The article explores the fact that in Russia, Ukraine and many other countries the employers and the trade unions do not collaborate to formulate their needs with regard to professional training standards, that is why the government and its administration bodies have to do the task of predicting labour market needs on their own.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (28) ◽  
pp. 541
Author(s):  
Dagmar Brozova

The growing role of institutions and their influence on the labour market outcomes, i.e. wage rates and labour allocation, has been among the most significant characteristic features of labour markets in recent decades. Labour market economics built its paradigm on the principles of marginalism, which brought suitable instruments for analysis of market agents´ individual decisions capable of achieving effective solutions. Smith´s “invisible hand” has gradually been limited by institutional interventions – by governments, corporations and trade unions with government legislation, corporate personnel policies and collective bargaining. The expanding regulatory interventions into the labour market and the effort to explain the reality leads inevitably to the fact that modern labour market economics incorporates more and more institutional theories. The contribution outlines the gradual invasion of neoinstitutional topics and theories into the neoclassical labour market paradigm and it analyses the differences in the neoclassical and neoinstitutional interpretation of labour markets’ functioning. The recent discussion on the consequences for labour market economics theory is presented. A conclusion about the gradual direction towards a changed paradigm of labour market economics is presented.


1980 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-475 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Wright ◽  
Nixon Apple

Increasingly, economic debate in Australia and other Western, developed economies is directed to the interdependence and potential conflict between the out come of labour market negotiations and government economic policy. Industrial relations becomes identified as a cause of economic problems and governments have been attracted to policies that seek to alter the outcome of labour market negotia tions, using what are often termed "incomes policies". However, because of the nature of industrial relations, incomes policies which might be established to express government demands also have an influence over the balance of powers and relations within the economy. This dynamic process presents problems for practitioners and academics assessing the full effect of incomes policies. The corporatist model developed by Leo Pantich is one useful model of the changes that can occur in trade union, employer and government relations under incomes policy conditions. Draw ing on the flexibility of such a process model, this article details the development of incomes policies in Britain and Sweden, examining the changing relationships and powers that have occurred when the parties (and especially the trade unions) have responded to the demands such policies make on industrial relations. The differences in trade union reactions to industrial relations adjustment provide lessons and experiences for any economy where the government seeks to direct labour market negotiations. In terms of the impact on trade unions particularly and industrial relations in general, the British and Swedish lessons offer valuable insights for Australia. Examining the dynamic incomes policy effects in Australia, we conclude that only if industrial relations practitioners and trade unionists are aware of the dynamic pressures of intervention and respond in a structured manner can they avoid the traps identified by British experience and benefit from the opportunities offered by Swedish initiatives.


Significance The reforms are scheduled to be debated in parliament in 2021. The planned changes are a political gamble by the governing Liberal-National coalition. Impacts The governing coalition will push further to weaken trade unions. As the 2022 election approaches, the government will not seek any deeper labour reforms in this term. COVID-19’s economic effects will increase pressure for a dynamic labour market as the economy recovers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 421-435
Author(s):  
Pablo del Rio Loira ◽  
Menno Fenger

Trade unions are considered to be key political actors in the formation of welfare states. Their importance for the current fate of welfare states, however, has been disputed within academia. Aiming to contribute to this vast body of literature, this article analyses the participation of Spanish trade unions in labour market reforms since the restitution of democracy in Spain. The article analyses the strategic choices open to trade unions, particularly the choice of calling for mobilisation, and why unions make the choices that they do. Mobilisation in the form of a general strike constitutes unions’ last and most extreme resort for confronting the government. We also explain the context in which such mobilisations are able to prevent retrenchment measures attempted by the government.


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