Treacherous Minds, Submissive Bodies

2018 ◽  
pp. 47-70
Author(s):  
Chandak Sengoopta

Whilst historians have extensively explored how hospitals, asylums or sanitation projects in British India reflected colonial ideas of racial difference, we know rather less about the influence of racial theories and stereotypes on technologies such as fingerprinting—evolved in colonial Bengal as an administrative tool but found applicable across the world—or, at the other extreme, ‘mesmeric surgery’, discarded in the metropole but experiencing a brief second life in colonial Bengal. Exploring these contrasting projects, both grounded in British theories about the nature of the bodies and minds of ‘natives’, the chapter suggests that the historiography of colonial medicine needs to expand its scope to include issues related to governmentality, corporeal technologies and knowledge transfer within and beyond the British Empire.

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-21
Author(s):  
Izabella Penier

Abstract The world as we know it is, in a large measure, a product of what Neill Ferguson calls “anglobalization.” Even today it is difficult to assess the legacy of the British Empire. My article focuses on the great famines in British India. It attempts to look at assertions about the Empire’s good work in India through the prism of the research carried out by the leftwing historian Mike Davis, whose seminal 2001 study Late Victorian Holocausts. El Niño Famines and the Making of the Third World launched a debate on the human costs of anglobalisation.


Author(s):  
Nick Ceramella

<strong><strong></strong></strong><p align="LEFT">I<span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed; font-size: small;">n the Introduction to this article, I deal with the importance of speaking one’s </span>own language as a way to assert one’s identity. Then I pass on to the evolution of the English language from its start as Old English, spoken by only a few thousand Angles and Saxons.</p><p align="LEFT"><span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed; font-size: small;">I remark how, at fi rst, it was contaminated by thousands of </span>Latin, French and Scandinavian words, of which contemporary English still bears many clear traces, but nobody has ever thought that English was ever in danger of disappearing. By contrast, in the long run, it became the mother tongue of the speakers in comparatively newly founded countries, such as the USA, Australia, and New Zealand, and owing to the spread of the British Empire, it has dramatically increased its appeal becoming the most spoken and infl uential language in the world. Thus, according to some linguists, it has led several languages virtually to the verge of disappearance. Therefore, I argue whether English has really vampirised them, or has simply contributed to make people understand each other, sometimes even in the same country where lots of diff erent tongues are spoken (e.g. Nigeria).</p><p align="LEFT">It is self-evident that English has gradually been taking the role of a common unifying factor in our globalised world. In this view, I envisage a scenario where English may even become the offi cial l anguage o f the E U with the c ontributions &amp; coming, though in varying doses, from all the speakers of the other EU languages.</p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 29-31
Author(s):  
Talichuba Walling

The Nagas since time immemorial were never under any foreign powers. They lived in a state of nature where any principality that ever encompassed them was rudimentary, unscathed and the purest that nature could provide them. Their primordial worlds had endured for generations until the modern century without being bothered and unaware of what was happening around them. British Colonialism had shaken the world entirely right to its core; altering every fundamental structures in it. Nagas however continued to live in a state of perpetual bliss on this side of the 'promised land'. Not before long, the ray of the British Empire inltrated into the Naga territory and disturbed their ethnic environment. What another considered as a convenient expansion of power; turn out to be the abrogation of existence for the other. In the light of this argument, we shall pursue in studying and observing the underlying factors that led to the Nagas challenging the powerful British authority over the Naga Hills, and the consequences that followed


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-235
Author(s):  
Anjali Gera Roy

This essay revisits the ‘Komagata Maru’ incident of 1914 to investigate the legalities that have complicated migration from some parts of the world to others since the era of apparently porous colonial borders to the highly bordered contemporary world that is differentially porous. It shows that the promise of free movement in the global village is undercut by the reality of legislation and juridical issues that continue to regulate the movements of people from one part of the world to the other. It focuses on legal borders that restrict the movement of people in the contemporary world by returning to an earlier moment when several of these issues were foregrounded. The essay draws on Hardt and Negri’s (2000) Empire and Foucault’s notion of governmentality to identify the juridical procedures, tactics, apparatuses of security and machineries of surveillance that the British government employed against imperial subjects during the Komagata Maru episode of 1914. It argues that the national and supranational organisms united under the single logic of the sovereignty of the British Empire, through which state-centric imperialism obstructed the mobility of the passengers on the Komagata Maru, make it resemble the new Empire.


1931 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 1022-1028
Author(s):  
Vernon A. O'Rourke

Before British India can ever be given complete home rule, the knotty problem of the relation of the native states to such a dominion must be considered. Nationalists in British India maintain that whenever complete dominion status is offered to their country, it will assume in respect to the states the same position that the crown holds toward them; meanwhile, spokesmen for the princes insist that such a step can and should never be taken without their consent. Whatever viewpoint prevails, before India can function as an independent, self-sufficient unit, some arrangement, presumably of a federal character, must certainly be effected.An analysis of the numerous views held concerning the legal relation of the native states to the British Empire enables one to discern three principal theories: first, that held by most crown officials and Indian nationalists, which maintains the sovereignty of the crown; second, the view of the Indian princes, which attempts to prove the retention by them of the “residuary” sovereignty; and, third, the intermediate opinion of many publicists, both of Europe and of India, which asserts the existence of a divided sovereignty.Desiring to ascertain the location of the legal sovereign in the political tangle presented by the apparently anomalous position of the princes, one is obliged to discard the theory of a divided sovereignty. Speaking in juridical terms, it is necessary to posit in some agency the source of legal sovereignty, even though its political exercise may be vested in more than one entity. There thus remains but two diametrically opposed theories, one that predicates the existence of supreme legal authority in the crown, and the other which confers it upon the rulers of the Indian states.


1998 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 1-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. J. Marshall

By the end of the eighteenth century Britain was a world power on a scale that none of her European rivals could match. Not only did she rule a great empire, but the reach of expeditionary forces from either Britain itself or from British India stretched from the River Plate to the Moluccas in eastern Indonesia. Britain's overseas trade had developed a strongly global orientation: she was die leading distributor of tropical produce diroughout die world and in the last years of the century about four-fifths of her exports were going outside Europe. Britain was at die centre of inter-continental movements of people, not only exporting her own population but shipping almost as many Africans across the Atantic during die eighteenth century as all the other carriers put together. It is not surprising therefore that British historians have searched for the qualities that marked out eighteeth-century Britain's exceptionalism on a world stage. Notable books have stressed, not only the dynamism of die British economy, but developments such as the rise of Britain's ‘fiscal-military state’ or die forging of a sense of British national identity behind war and empire overseas.


2003 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 527-584 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Kercher

For over 150 years from the early eighteenth century, convict transportation was a primary method of punishing serious crime in Britain and Ireland. Convicts were first sent to the colonies in North America and the Caribbean and then to three newly established Australian colonies on the other side of the world. Conditions were very different between the two locations, yet the fundamental law of transportation remained the same for decades after the process began in Australia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 421-437
Author(s):  
J. N. Guseva

This article deals with the study of the views of the Soviet intelligence on the so-called short-lived “Caliphate movement”, which originates from the then British India. Even after its official abolition in 1924, this institution did not lose its symbolic appeal for Muslims across the world. As an idea it continued offering the Muslims a sense of the umma i.e. the global community of Muslims. The author offers the Soviet intelligence interpretation of the idea of the Caliphate movement in the context of the Soviet “eastern” foreign policy. The article describes this issue through the prism of interaction between the Eastern Department of the OGPU (USSR Secret service) and Musa Bigiyev, a prominent Russian Muslim leader of the 19th–20th cent. Based on hitherto unknown archival materials and the most recent Russian and foreign historical studies, the author offers a comparative analysis of the attitudes of various Soviet and Communist Party institutions to the Caliphate idea and the Caliphate movement in the context of anti-colonial, anti-European struggle. In conclusion article shows the discrepancy between the strategy and tactics of Soviet intelligence services as opposed to the views of European (in particular, British) intelligence services. As a result, these activities contributed to the restriction of independence of the Russian Muslim elite on one handside, strengthening the anti-Caliphate feelings and Islamophobic views among the Soviet management elite on the other.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 247-261
Author(s):  
Maria Wojtak

The article presents an analysis of an educational path as a genre in the form of a collection with its flexible rules. It refers to sets of utterances published on boards or posters placed on areas of natural interest and presenting its values. Continuing her earlier studies, the author enriches the communicative perspective of the analyses. She aims at showing the eclectic nature of communication programmed in the analysed educational path.The communication plane is created by a mosaic of discourses with the educational one as the lead, yet updated in the absorptive manner (thus, among others, there is a specification the uniformised communication in the title of the article). In this case the genre filter acts peculiarly, since the realisation of generic rules on the structural level is accompanied by a deepening simultaneity of the sender’s roles with a parallel masking of this process. An official acts in the legislator’s uniform and an educator (teacher) receives a communication costume of a scientist. The world is presented from the professional (scientific) point of view and the utterances take a stereotyped form (the other indicator of uniformisation).The analysed educational path has a low cognitive value both due to the scope and the manner of the knowledge transfer. The entirety — discussed as macrocommunication accomplishing the generic rules in the form of a collection — is unsuccessful in terms of communication. One cannot expect that it will fulfill the function harmonising with the communicational intention of the sender.


1925 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 284-294
Author(s):  
Don Agustin Edwards

Foreign policy is an extremely elastic term. It may mean a great deal or very little: it may embrace the most vital interests of the world at large—humanity's very right to live and prosper—if it be the Foreign Policy of a World Power like the British Empire; or it may merely concern the interests of a particular country from a certain angle, that is to say, in so far as such interests may conflict with those of another nation or nations. These two aspects of Foreign Policy, the world and the regional, were clearly distinguished and defined after the Great War, when at the Conference which culminated in the Versailles Treaty the nations were classified as countries with world interests and countries with limited interests. It was, furthermore, given juridical expression in the composition of the Council of the League of Nations, in which World Powers were given permanent seats and the other members of the League were assigned an equal number of elective seats which they were to occupy for a limited period of time.


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