Symbolic Politics and Contention in the Turkish Republic

Author(s):  
Senem Aslan

This chapter examines how different state actors in Turkey have used symbolic practices to govern and transform society. Based on examples largely drawn from the single party era (1923–1950) and the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government, it discusses three separate functions that symbolic practices serve. First, it analyzes the relationship between symbolic politics and legitimation of state authority and ideology. Second, it focuses on how symbolic politics can be used for coercive purposes, signaling state power and omnipresence. Finally, it examines the state’s efforts to use symbolism for cooptation purposes, communicating the material benefits that it provides to citizens in exchange for political support. Calling attention to unintended consequences, the chapter underlines how symbols usually generate contention and become a means of struggle between the state and dissident political movements. In the Turkish context, extensive use of symbolic politics has created hardened political identities, curtailing meaningful deliberation and undermining common norms. The Turkish example shows that symbolic politics can exacerbate political polarization by sharpening cultural contestation and invoking strong emotions in society.

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 426-463 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen E. Gent ◽  
Mark J. C. Crescenzi ◽  
Elizabeth J. Menninga ◽  
Lindsay Reid

Can concerns for one’s reputation cause non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to alter their behavior to the detriment of achieving their policy goals? To answer this question, we explore the relationship between NGOs and their donors. Our theoretical model reveals that reputation can be a key piece of information in the decision to fund an NGO’s activities. Reputation can become so important to the NGO’s survival that it interferes with the long-term policy goals of the organization. As such, reputations can become a double-edged sword, simultaneously providing the information donors seek while constraining NGOs from realizing policy goals. We apply this logic to the problem of NGO accountability, which has received increasing attention in recent years, and demonstrate that the tools used by donors to improve accountability can trigger unintended consequences. We illustrate this strategic dynamic with two types of NGO activity: water improvement and international crisis mediation.


Philosophies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 2
Author(s):  
Igor R. Tantlevskij ◽  
Ekaterina V. Gromova ◽  
Dmitry Gromov

This paper presents an attempt to systematically describe and interpret the evolution of different religious and political movements in Judaea during the period of the Second Temple using the methods of the theory of social networks. We extensively analyzed the relationship between the main Jewish sects: Pharisees, Sadducees, Essenes (Qumranites), and later also Zealots. It is shown that the evolution of the relations between these sects agreed with the theory of social balance and their relations evolved toward more socially balanced structures.


2019 ◽  
pp. 37-56
Author(s):  
Péter Krasztev

In the Twilight of Ideologies: Power and Esotericism in Soviet State SocialismAt the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, esoteric/occult ideas and movements played an important part in the intellectual, scientific and artistic life of Russia. Occultism lived in symbiosis for some time with virtually every 19th-century ideology, and, to a certain degree, it managed to convert this strange ability into the ideological environment of state socialism as well – a system that was officially hostile towards occultism. However, the relationship between state power, based on “dialectic materialism”, and the various forms of occult ideas that survived in that era was not always clear: it kept changing with time, and depended on the influence of those ideas on society. In this paper I will propose some frameworks for the interpretation of the bizarre dynamics between esotericism and Soviet state power, and argue that the reactions of state power to the various manifestations of esoteric ideas – from (quasi-) scientific to community-building and individualistic manifestations – require different interpretative approaches. Az ideológiák szürkületében: hatalom és ezoterika a szovjet állami szocializmusban A 19-20. század fordulóján Oroszország szellemi, tudományos és művészi életében az ezoterikus/okkult eszmék és mozgalmak meghatározó szerepet játszottak. Az okkultizmus szinte minden 19. századi ideológiával képes volt valamiféle szimbiózisba kerülni, s ezt a különös tulajdonságát a hivatalosan ellenséges államszocialista ideológiai közegbe is képes volt bizonyos mértékig átörökíteni. A „dialektikus materializmus” alapjain álló hatalom viszonya az okkult eszmék továbbélési formáihoz ugyanakkor nem mindig volt egyértelmű: ez korszakonként és az eszmék társadalmi-közösségei hatásától függően is változott. A tanulmány értelmezési kereteket próbál javasolni az ezotéria és szovjethatalom sajátosan bizarr dinamikájú viszonyára, s arra a következtetésre jut, hogy az ezoterikus eszmék különböző megnyilvánulási formái – a (kvázi)tudományos, a közösségépítő és az individuális-önmegvalósító – által kiváltott hatalmi reakció más-más interpretációs megközelítést igényel. W mroku ideologii: władza i ezoteryka w radzieckim socjalizmie państwowym Na przełomie XIX i XX wieku idee i ruchy ezoteryczne/okultystyczne grały znaczącą rolę w życiu duchowym, naukowym i artystycznym Rosji. Okultyzm był w stanie wejść w jakiś rodzaj symbiozy z niemal każdą dziewiętnastowieczną ideologią i do pewnego stopnia mógł przekazać w spadku tę szczególną sposobność oficjalnie wrogim im ideologicznie organom państwa socjalistycznego. Jednak relacja między władzą państwową, opartą na „materializmie dialektycznym”, a różnymi formami okultystycznych idei, które przetrwały w tamtym okresie, nie zawsze była jasna: zawsze zmieniała się ona wraz z upływem czasu i zależała od wpływu tych idei na społeczeństwo. Niniejszy artykuł proponuje pewne ramy interpretacji niecodziennej dynamiki relacji stosunków między ezoteryzmem i władzą radziecką, oraz dochodzi do konkluzji, że ogromna reakcja [władzy państwowej] wywołana poprzez różne formy manifestacji idei ezoterycznych – quasi-naukowe, tworzące wspólnotę, indywidualnie się realizujące – wymaga wielu różnych podejść interpretacyjnych.


2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (20) ◽  
pp. e2022491118
Author(s):  
Jeroen M. van Baar ◽  
David J. Halpern ◽  
Oriel FeldmanHall

Political partisans see the world through an ideologically biased lens. What drives political polarization? Although it has been posited that polarization arises because of an inability to tolerate uncertainty and a need to hold predictable beliefs about the world, evidence for this hypothesis remains elusive. We examined the relationship between uncertainty tolerance and political polarization using a combination of brain-to-brain synchrony and intersubject representational similarity analysis, which measured committed liberals’ and conservatives’ (n = 44) subjective interpretation of naturalistic political video material. Shared ideology between participants increased neural synchrony throughout the brain during a polarizing political debate filled with provocative language but not during a neutrally worded news clip on polarized topics or a nonpolitical documentary. During the political debate, neural synchrony in mentalizing and valuation networks was modulated by one’s aversion to uncertainty: Uncertainty-intolerant individuals experienced greater brain-to-brain synchrony with politically like-minded peers and lower synchrony with political opponents—an effect observed for liberals and conservatives alike. Moreover, the greater the neural synchrony between committed partisans, the more likely that two individuals formed similar, polarized attitudes about the debate. These results suggest that uncertainty attitudes gate the shared neural processing of political narratives, thereby fueling polarized attitude formation about hot-button issues.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-143
Author(s):  
Vania Markarian

This paper – focused on a deep analysis of the student movement that occupied the streets of Montevideo in 1968 – aims at proposing some analytical lines to understand this and other contemporary cycles of protest in different places of the world. After locating these events in a wide geography characterized both by political acceleration and the dramatic display of cultural change, four relevant themes in the growing body of literature on the «global Sixties» are raised. First, it is addressed the relationship between social movements and groups or political parties in these «short cycles» of protest. Second, the idea that violence was rather a catalyzer of political innovation rather than the result of political polarization is proposed. Third, it breaks down the diversity of possible links between culture, in a broad sense, and the forms of political participation in youth mobilizations. Finally, it can be more rewarding to look at different scales of analysis of these processes, from the strictly national to the transnational circulation of ideas and people.


2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 85
Author(s):  
Fatima Mohammed Al Suadi

This research paper examines the relationship between intellectual movement and the dynamics of context in terms of it being influenced or influential. The intellectual and cultural movement in the Umayyad Period was associated in one way or another with the then prevalent political schools of thought. Most of these intellectual movements were forms of reaction to political movements and they manifested the conflicts, intricacies and entanglements of such political views. This paper specifically addresses three issues: 1. The general features of the theological debate and its political, social and economic constraints. 2. The common epistemological paradigm 3. Al Hassan Al Basri as one of the prominent leaders of the intellectual movement of the time and as a witness to the profound transformations that took place in the Islamic history particularly in the era of the Guided Caliphs and the Umayyad era. 


Author(s):  
Cristiano Gianolla

Representative democracy is currenty facing strong social criticism for its incapacity to envolve people in a way that makes them part of the decision-making process. An existing gap between the representatives and the represented is hereby emphasized. In this space, the role of political parties is central in order to bridge society with institutions. How much are parties concerned about this issue? How and in which context do they interact more with their electorate and the wider society? Participatory democracy is emerging throughout the world in different forms and with different results, but the dominant pattern of democracy remains the liberal western democratic paradigm in which people can contribute barely through electing candidates. In order to achieve what Boaventura de Sousa Santos calls ‘democratisation of democracy’ the role of political parties is therefore fundamental in particular to achieve a more participative democracy within the representative model. This article approaches this theme through a bibliographic review comparing social movements and political parties with a focus on the innovation of the Five Star Movement in Italy. Finally, it provides a reading of the relationship between political parties andparticipation, including good practice and perspectives.KEYWORDS: Participation, political parties, social movements, political movements, representative democracy, participatory democracy.


2009 ◽  
Vol 91 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. M. SAWALHA ◽  
L. BELL ◽  
S. BROTHERSTONE ◽  
I. WHITE ◽  
A. J. WILSON ◽  
...  

SummarySusceptibility to scrapie is known to be associated with polymorphisms at the prion protein (PrP) gene, and this association is the basis of current selective programmes implemented to control scrapie in many countries. However, these programmes might have unintended consequences for other traits that might be associated withPrPgenotype. The objective of this study was to investigate the relationship betweenPrPgenotype and coat colour characteristics in two UK native sheep breeds valued for their distinctive coat colour patterns. Coat colour pattern, darkness and spotting andPrPgenotype records were available for 11 674 Badgerfaced Welsh Mountain and 2338 Shetland sheep. The data were analysed with a log–linear model using maximum likelihood. Results showed a strong significant association ofPrPgenotype with coat colour pattern in Badgerfaced Welsh Mountain and Shetland sheep and with the presence of white spotting in Shetland sheep. Animals with the ARR/ARR genotype (the most scrapie resistant) had higher odds of having a light dorsum and a dark abdomen than the reverse pattern. The implication of these associations is that selection to increase resistance to scrapie based only onPrPgenotype could result in change in morphological diversity and affect other associated traits such as fitness.


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