The Coup

Author(s):  
Toke Aidt ◽  
Gabriel Leon

Coups, understood as attempts to overthrow the sitting executive government by a group inside the state apparatus that includes part of the military, shape competition for office in authoritarian regimes. They do that both directly through actual coups and indirectly through the threat of a coup, which forces incumbent autocrats to balance loyalty and repression to pre-empt being overthrown. The chapter presents a framework for the study of coups and uses it to examine how coups can help select autocrats and to some extent keep them accountable. It presents a number of stylized facts about coups and summarizes the theoretical and empirical literature on the role of coups in autocracies.

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 544-564 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico Battera

This article argues that differences in Arab authoritarian regimes were mainly linked to the relationship between the state, the political party in power and the military. By exploring such differences in Tunisia, Egypt and Syria prior to the 2011 crisis, they are explained in the context of the political changes that ensued in the wake of the crisis. How the army played the dual role of instigating change while impeding it at crucial points in the transitional process is described. The mutual lack of autonomy between the state, the party and the military appears to have been a key factor in impeding change, whereas a clear separation of the functions of these institutions was more likely to enable political change to come about.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 348-373
Author(s):  
Vitalii E. Boldyrev ◽  

The article proposes a new understanding of the phenomenon of security as the desire of the state to achieve the most favourable trajectory of development under existing constraints. The concept of a favourable trajectory depends on objective factors and its subjective interpretations that are fixed in strategies and programs. In order to make these interpretations systematic and form a holistic model consisting of them, a new algorithm for strategical and program documents has been developed. According to the algorithm, every priority should be marked by code (or its combination) which corresponds to one of the subsystems of the global system and its component to create a database. The analysis of the database makes it possible to isolate problems whose relevance was artificially overestimated prior to elections, to forecast the directions of sequestration of their priorities, to determine the degree of continuity, to rank areas of the policy, to identify probable interconnections among them and to predict the foundations of a promising strategy. In regard to Biden’s program, the algorithm made it possible to achieve the following results. It was revealed that the program is more a succession to Trump’s strategy than innovative. The priority of the economic, social and financial spheres was artificially overestimated and the degree of their importance will be reduced after Biden’s inauguration. Economic, energy and legal spheres will be the cornerstones of Biden’s future strategy. Cyber, raw materials and technological subsystems will be assigned the role of drivers of development. Their successful functioning will be dependent on the dynamics of the military and agricultural sectors. In turn, demographic, trade, financial and credit, civil, humanitarian and cultural subsystems will acquire a more subordinate position and their role will be determined by the solution of specific issues. At the same time, it is difficult to determine the concrete positions and roles of future social and ecological policies because they had been overdeveloped or unclearly prioritized in the electoral program.


2016 ◽  
Vol I (I) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Adil Khan ◽  
Manzoor Ahmad ◽  
Abdul Waheed

Pakistan, since its inception, has passed through several phases of transitions to civilian rule and authoritarian reversals. Similar to the pattern of transition between civilian rule and dictatorship, there is a pattern of change within authoritarian Regimes that could be observed in all the three experiences of transition in Pakistan. This paper identifies the pattern of change from military dictatorship to civilian rule from 1958 to 1970. The key questions addressed in this paper are: firstly, how the military regime consolidated its grip on power after the October 1958 coup? Secondly, how early cracks appeared in the military's control over power and matured with the passage of time, resulting in a national crisis? Thirdly, how failure in crises management led to the transition to civilian rule, as well as, the disintegration of the state.


2020 ◽  
pp. 360-374
Author(s):  
Evgeny V. Igumnov

The activities of military topographers in Western Siberia to provide cartographic information on the foreign and domestic policies of the Russian Empire in Central Asia and Siberia in the 19th century are considered in the article. The role of information in the formation of the Russian Empire is emphasized. The contribution of the state to the organization of the study of the Asian regions of Russia and neighboring countries is noted. The establishment of the military topographic service in Western Siberia can be traced taking into account data on administrative transformations in the Siberian region, and on changes in the foreign policy of the Russian Empire. The participation of military topographers in determining and designating the state border with China is described in detail. The question of the role of military topographers in the scientific study of China and Mongolia is raised. The significance of the activities of military topographers for the policy of the Russian Empire on the socio-economic development of Siberia and the north-eastern part of the territory of modern Kazakhstan is revealed. The contribution of topographers to the construction of the Trans-Siberian railway, the design of river channels and new land routes is revealed. A large amount of literary sources, materials on the work of military topographers of Western Siberia, published in “Notes of the Military Topographic Department of the General Staff” is used in the article.


Author(s):  
Oren Barak

Since Lebanon’s independence in the mid-1940s, its military—the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF)—has played a pivotal role in the country’s politics. The political role of the LAF in Lebanon might seem surprising since the Lebanese state did not militarize, and its political leaders have continuously managed to keep their military relatively weak and small. Indeed, in this respect Lebanon has been markedly different from its close neighbors (Syria and Israel), but also from several other Middle Eastern states (especially Egypt and Iraq), where the military, which was large and powerful, was continuously involved in politics. Additionally, both Lebanon and the LAF have persistently striven to distance themselves from regional conflicts since 1949, particularly in relation to the Palestinian issue, albeit not always successfully. Still, and despite these ostensibly unfavorable factors for the military’s involvement in politics in Lebanon, the LAF has played an important political role in the state since its independence. This role, which has been marked by elements of continuity and change over the years, included mediation and arbitration between rival political factions (in 1945–1958, 2008, 2011, and 2019); attempts to dominate the political system (in 1958–1970 and 1988–1990); intervention in the Lebanese civil war (in 1975–1976 and 1982–1984); attempts to regain its balancing role in politics (in 1979–1982 and 1984–1988); and facilitating the state’s postwar reconstruction (since 1991). The political role of the military in Lebanon can be explained by several factors. First, the weakness of Lebanon’s political system and its inability to resolve crises between its members. Second, Lebanon’s divided society and its members’ general distrust towards its civilian politicians. Third, the basic characteristics of Lebanon’s military, which, in most periods, enjoyed broad public support that cuts across the lines of community, region, and family, and found appeal among domestic and external audiences, which, in their turn, acquiesced to its political role in the state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-149
Author(s):  
Nikolai Ivanovich Grachev

In scientific works devoted to the functions of the state, they are not separated from the functions of the state apparatus, moreover, the functions of the latter are not emphasized. The reason for this is the actual identification of the state with the organization of public political power, its apparatus (mechanism). With this approach, it is quite natural that the functions of the state and the functions of the state apparatus are actually identical. The article substantiates the existence of any sovereign state objective organic functions: integration, adaptation, institutionalization, and management, from which the functions of the entire system of public power of the state. The General and General function of the latter is the public (state) management of all socially significant Affairs in the state, which ensures its maintenance, preservation and reproduction of its own systemic integrity, and, where necessary, reform and development. All areas and activities of public authority, which in the theory of state and law is called the functions of the state actually act as a function of the state apparatus. According to their content, they are activities for the management of the entire system of public power by individual branches and spheres of public life and can be classified on a variety of grounds: internal and external; basic and non-basic (auxiliary); economic, social, cultural, administrative and political, etc. Their distribution between different levels, levels and bodies of the state apparatus are established by the Supreme power, the main functions of which are the constituent (the establishment and reform of the state), the management of the state-organized society as a single integral organism (political leadership), the function-the role of the political center as the place of the most important strategic decisions, the function-the role of the Supreme socio-political arbiter in the state and society.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Zaikivskyi ◽  
Oleksandr Onistrat

Keywords: defense capability, intellectual property, regulatory support The conceptual issues of the legislation of Ukraine,which determine the state policy in the field of national security and defence, regardingthe settlement of issues related to ensuring the state defence capabilities are considered.The scientific publications on actual questions in this sphere concerningproblems and prospects of increase of defence capability of Ukraine are analysed.The role of intellectual property in all components of Ukraine's defence system hasbeen studied, and it has been noted that unresolved problems in the field of intellectualproperty management pose an increasing threat to Ukraine's national security.The importance of ensuring the protection of intellectual property in the process ofimplementing measures to improve the defence capabilities of the state and the needto improve legislation in this area is defined. Recommendations for improving the regulatory framework for national securityand defence in order to address the problematic issues of intellectual property in thisarea are submitted.State defence capability is the ability of state to defend itself in the event of armedaggression or armed conflict. It consists of material and immaterial elements and is aset of military, economic, social and moral and political potential in the field of defenceand appropriate conditions for its implementation.Resolving the issues of reforming not only the Armed Forces of Ukraine, but firstthe entire state, modernization and rearmament of the Ukrainian army has become avital necessity. Only the solution of this issue will allow to raise the defence capabilityof our state to the proper level for the preservation of independent Ukraine.Ensuring the military security of Ukraine largely depends on equipping the ArmedForces of Ukraine with modern types and models of weapons and military equipment,developed on the basis of intellectual property rights.It is the military-technical sphere where the objects of intellectual property rightsbelonging to the sphere of national security and defence are created, and the state isobliged to ensure their protection. This will increase the competitiveness of the domesticdefence industry and make claims impossible for anyone in the mass productionof weapons and military equipment for their own needs and for exports, which directlyaffects defence capabilities.And this requires proper protection of intellectual property rights both in theprocess of own production of weapons and military equipment, as well as in militarytechnicalcooperation.


Author(s):  
Anton O. Zakharov ◽  

The award system of Indonesia reflects its political development. The first Order of Indonesia—the Guerilla Star (Bintang Gerilya)—was instituted in 1949, to praise the participants of the anti-colonial struggle for Inde-pendence. Ten years later, the award system of Indonesia included several orders—the Star of the Republic of Indonesia (Bintang Republik Indonesia), the Star of Mahaputera (Bintang Mahaputera), the Sacred Star (Bintang Sakti), the Military Distinguished Service Star (Bintang Dharma), the Guerilla Star, and the Garuda Star (Bintang Garuda). At least four of them were essentially military whereas the Star of the Republic of Indonesia and the Star of Mahaputera may have been bestowed to the army commanders. The connection of the award system with the rise of the Indonesian Army seems obvious. But the state apparatus of Indonesia included many officials who also needed visible signs of recognition. In 1963, President Sukarno instituted a new Order—the Bintang Jasa, or the Star of Service. It serves as a typical award for state officials, politicians and other Indonesian citizens as well as for foreign diplomats whose service to the Indonesian State is considered valuable.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
鬼谷 子

The research focuses on how the Nguyen dynasty it became the first to have the largest territory in the history of Vietnam in its nearly 60 years of establishing and reigning over the unified country in the first half of the 19th century. It is seen that in terms of organizing the state apparatus, Gia Long and Minh Mang retained the system of agencies of the previous dynasties and continued reforms to ensure socio-political stability in their governance at that time. The study also clarifies the social role of Confucianism in the Nguyen dynasty, i.e. in the first half of the 19th century, which, in our opinion, is theoretically and practically significant, with the hope of further unraveling the role of Confucianism in that period.


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