Food, Justice, and Land

Author(s):  
Saturnino M. Borras ◽  
Jennifer C. Franco

The politics of food is intertwined with land politics, whether we talk about plantation workers, indigenous peoples, or pastoralists and their desire to own or control land. Questions on food politics are centered on what is to be produced, where, how much and how, by whom, and with what patterns of distribution and consumption. Answers to these questions inevitably raise issues of politics, power, and social justice. This chapter examines the link between land and food and its implications for social justice. It begins with a discussion of the contemporary global land rush in relation to pro-poor land policy, with particular emphasis on land reform. It then looks at the move away from conventional land reform in development policy thinking as part of the neoliberal resurgence. It also considers the contemporary interest in land and land policies in the context of development, along with key themes in pro-poor land policy such as protection or transfer of land-based wealth in favor of the poor, transfer of land-based political power, the sensitivity of such a policy to gender and ethnic groups, and its contribution to increasing land and labor productivity.

2002 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-440 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thorvald Gran

Land politics is of high practical and symbolic importance in much of Africa. South Africa is no exception. Here it is investigated from two angles. First from a discussion of trust and a culture of trustworthiness as conditions for the functioning of modern institutions. Second from an interest in how the administrative level of communities and/or political cultures gives form to the relations between authority and subjects or, more generally, in modernity to the relation between state and society. Western South Africa was chosen for the investigation as there are no homelands. ‘Land-reformed’ communities in two provinces, Northern and Western Cape, are compared. The study showed (1) that the ANC’s land policy is increasingly an expression of a unified government–bureaucracy–modern economy élite; (2) that there are specific barriers to the formation of cultures of trustworthiness in institutions of authority (commercial farmers, lack of horizontal communication and the power of ethnicity), barriers blocking ‘embedded authorities’; and (3) that trust in government with respect to land policies is waning, despite progress in the redistribution of land.


2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 55-71
Author(s):  
Siobhan O'Sullivan

This article theoretically establishes the interconnections between justice and democracy, and empirically explores the case of land reform in South Africa in the light of these interconnections. Firstly, it argues that democracy must ensure the realisation of social justice in order to create the conditions for human freedom and a truly inclusive and legitimate democracy. Secondly, the article argues that justice must also be subject to democratisation, i.e. public participation and deliberation on what should be distributed, how and to whom, termed democratic justice. In South Africa, there are significant concerns about the lack of redistribution and the continued exclusion of the poor, meaning that democratic justice is some way from being achieved.


1955 ◽  
Vol 24 (8) ◽  
pp. 124-128
Author(s):  
Frank J. Moore
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
BARBARA ARNEIL

Using two recently published folios by Jeremy Bentham, I draw out a fundamental but little-analyzed connection between pauperism and both domestic and settler colonialism in opposition to imperialism in his thought. The core theoretical contribution of this article is to draw a distinction between a colonial, internal, and productive form of power that claims to improve people and land from within, which Bentham defends, and an imperial, external, and repressive form of power that dominates or rules over people from above and afar, that he rejects. Inherent in colonialism and the power unleashed by it are specific and profoundly negative implications in practice for the poor and disabled of Europe in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries subject to domestic colonialism and indigenous peoples subject to settler colonialism from first contact until today. I conclude Bentham is best understood as a pro-colonialist and anti-imperialist thinker.


Ethnography ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 531-547 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ove Sernhede

The globally reported riots in the poor high-rise suburbs of Sweden’s metropolitan districts in 2013 were stark manifestations of the increased social and economic inequality of the past 30 years. Large groups of young adults acted out their unarticulated claims for social justice. In the light of the riots, it is relevant to ask whether any trace of resistance or protest can be found in the compulsory school where the young people from these neighbourhoods spend their days. The ethnography sampled for the article comes from two public schools in two poor, multi-ethnic, high-rise neighbourhoods on the outskirts of Gothenburg. The article argues that the theoretical and methodological concepts and perspectives developed by Willis still is of crucial importance to any investigation aimed at understanding the presence or absence of resistance in contemporary Swedish schools.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-207
Author(s):  
AN Ras Try Astuti ◽  
Andi Faisal

Capitalism as an economic system that is implemented by most countries in the world today, in fact it gave birth to injustice and social inequalityare increasingly out of control. Social and economic inequalities are felt both between countries (developed and developing countries) as well as insociety itself (the rich minority and the poor majority). The condition is born from the practice of departing from faulty assumptions about the man. In capitalism the individual to own property released uncontrollably, causing a social imbalance. On the other hand, Islam never given a state model that guarantees fair distribution of ownership for all members of society, ie at the time of the Prophet Muhammad established the Islamic government in Medina. In Islam, the private ownership of property was also recognized but not absolute like capitalism. Islam also recognizes the forms of joint ownership for the benefit of society and acknowledges the ownership of the state that aims to create a balance and social justice.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 69-74
Author(s):  
Alexandr Vlasov ◽  
Darya Vasilieva ◽  
Velta Parsova

As result of land reform in Russian Federation the public administration of agricultural land has been totally transformed. Land reform was carried out in order to solve problems in the sphere of agriculture, housing construction, ecology, creating a plurality of land ownership forms, introducing land use payments, etc. The decision to cancel monopoly of state ownership in land and to create institution of private property was made. The land redistribution projects for each farm were made, where stock of shares, stock of land redistribution and stock of land administered by previous soviet village councils was represented. The example of the Samara region was used to develop mechanisms for transfer of public land to private ownership. Currently, the situation with use of the land in many agricultural enterprises can be considered as unsatisfactory due to unsystematic economic activity - there are no or are not implemented scientifically based crop rotations, natural soil fertility is not taken into account, there is no modern cartographic material indicating the size of the fields, degree of slope and degree of erosion. Significant deterioration of the agro-ecological situation and the spread of negative processes on arable land require changes in national land policy and development of comprehensive measures to organize rational use of land. In the near future, a significant modernization of national and federal land legislation is planned, which will affect all subjects of the Russian Federation in terms of the management and use of agricultural land.


Lumen et Vita ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-28
Author(s):  
James E. Kelly
Keyword(s):  

In this essay, I will examine the scriptural basis for Origen’s interpretation of Luke 4:18-19 as an allusion to Jesus’ identity as savior, not as a call to social justice. I argue that this interpretation is consistent with the intentions of the gospel writer. The essay begins with an analysis of the gospel writer’s redaction of Mark 1 in Luke 3-5. Based on that redaction, I hypothesize that Luke intends to emphasize Jesus’s identity with the anointed one mentioned in Isaiah 61:1-2. This excerpt from Isaiah not only gives Luke 4:18-19 its Christological significance but also clarifies Luke’s understanding of poverty in relation to the Gospel. I then examine Origen’s application of the Lucan passage for his pastoral purposes. To conclude, I suggest that we, like Luke and Origen, read Scripture Christocentrically in order to better facilitate the church’s encounter with Christ during the liturgy.  


Author(s):  
John Tomasi

This chapter examines what it calls “social justicitis”—a strongly negative, even allergic, reaction to the ideal of social or distributive justice. Social justicitis is a malady from which many defenders of private economic liberty suffer. For libertarians, arguments on behalf of social justice may be as threatening as a bee sting is to some people. In the case of classical liberals, social justicitis arises as an adverse reaction to talk about social justice at the level of public policy. The chapter first considers the notion of distributional adequacy condition from the perspective of classical liberalism and libertarianism before discussing the arguments of classical liberals and libertarians regarding property and the poor. It also explores F. A. Hayek's critique of social justice and the implications of his theory of spontaneous order with respect to distributional ideals.


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