The Construction of States and Societies in the Sahel

2021 ◽  
pp. 50-68
Author(s):  
Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan

Today, there is a threatening divide between state and societies in Sahelian countries. Societies have become increasingly diversified and are permeated by growing divisions. In contrast, the states are relatively standardized. They are partly a legacy of the colonial legacy of the despotic state, but they also developed some original traits—for example, a very specific bureaucratic culture and a quasi-private monopolization by a business-oriented political elite. In a context of aid dependency and elite capture, Sahelian states are today confronted with widespread distrust on the part of their citizens and a serious crisis in relation to the delivery of state services. The social divide, the bias of development aid, the weakness of the political elites, and the failure of electoral democracy have paved the way for the rise of anti-Western and anti-state Islamic fundamentalism, and for politico-religious and politico-ethnic entrepreneurs.

Urban History ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 568-588
Author(s):  
Frederik Buylaert ◽  
Jelten Baguet ◽  
Janna Everaert

AbstractThis article provides a comparative analysis of four large towns in the Southern Low Countries between c. 1350 and c. 1550. Combining the data on Ghent, Bruges and Antwerp – each of which is discussed in greater detail in the articles in this special section – with recent research on Bruges, the authors argue against the historiographical trend in which the political history of late medieval towns is supposedly dominated by a trend towards oligarchy. Rather than a closure of the ruling class, the four towns show a high turnover in the social composition of the political elite, and a consistent trend towards aristocracy, in which an increasingly large number of aldermen enjoyed noble status. The intensity of these trends differed from town to town, and was tied to different institutional configurations as well as different economic and political developments in each of the four towns.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 819
Author(s):  
Durmuş Ali Arslan ◽  
Ahmet Çağrıcı ◽  
Mustafa Albayrak

Political parties and political elites are the basic elements of the democratic system. These two political and social phenomena play a decisive role in shaping the political and social structure of the country as well as in the shaping of individual political attitudes and behaviour. The most common forms of social political organization in contemporary societies are political parties. In this respect, political parties can be shortly defined as political organizations organized around the ideal of playing a decisive role in political and social life and whose ultimate goals are to reach power. In democratic societies, political parties are the most important means of political socialization and participation in the political process.In the western societies, the elite word that has been used in daily life since the 17th century. Its sociological meaning is rather different than daily life meaning. In essence, the elite can be defined as individuals who have institutional power, are in a position to control social resources, have the ability to directly or indirectly influence the decision-making process, and can fulfill their wishes and objectives in spite of their opponents. There are many elite groups in society. Political elites also form one of the most active elite groups in the social structure. Deputies and political leaders are also the most basic components of this elite group.The Democratic Party is one of the most important political parties of Turkish political life. This party holds the privilege of being the most important representative of the right of center-right politics in Turkey; Adnan Menderes also has a privileged political identity in Turkey as being the most important leader of the center-right politics tradition. Even the Democratic Party is regarded as a representative of the transition to multi-party political life in Turkey. The Democratic Party, legendary leader Adnan Menderes and the Democratic Party MPs, identified with the name party, have not only remained the pioneers of multi-party democratic life in the country; With the transition to multi-party life, they have played a decisive role in Turkey's change process and in the social and political life of the country.The Democratic Party as a political institution and Adnan Menderes, a political elite-leader have to be well known in order to understand and explain the political-social change and transformation that Turkey has experienced since about three quarters of a century. It was aimed to sociologically examine Adnan Menderes as an important political leader and political elite, and the Democratic Party, one of the most important political institutions of Turkish political life, from a historical perspective. The research is mainly designed as a descriptive sociological study type. ÖzetSiyasi partiler ve siyasi elitler, demokratik sistemin en temel unsurlarındandır. Bu iki siyasal ve toplumsal olgu, bireylerin siyasi tutum ve davranışlarının şekillenmesinde de olduğu kadar ülkenin siyasi ve toplumsal yapısının şekillenmesinde de belirleyici rol oynar. Günümüz toplumlarında en yaygın toplumsal siyasal örgütlenme biçimi siyasi partilerdir. Bu yönüyle siyasi partiler kısaca, siyasal ve toplumsal hayatta belirleyici rol oynamak ideali etrafında örgütlenmiş ve nihai hedefleri iktidara ulaşmak olan siyasi örgütler olarak tanımlanabilir. Demokratik toplumlarda siyasi partiler, en önemli siyasi sosyalizasyon ve siyasal sürece katılım araçlarıdır.Batı toplumlarında, 17. yüzyıldan bu yana günlük dilde kullanılmaya başlanan elit sözcüğü ise sosyolojik olarak günlük dilde kullanıldığında daha farklı anlam ifade eder. Çok öz olarak elit, kurumsal iktidara sahip, toplumsal kaynakları kontrol edebilecek konumda bulunan, karar verme sürecini doğrudan veya dolayı olarak ciddi bir şekilde etkileme yeteneğine sahip, karşıtlarına rağmen istek ve amaçlarını gerçekleştirebilen birey(ler) olarak tanımlanabilir. Toplumda çok sayıda elit grubu vardır. Siyasi elitler de toplumsal yapı içindeki, en etkin elit gruplarından birini oluştururlar. Milletvekilleri ve siyasi liderler de bu elit grubunun en temel bileşenlerini oluştururlar.Demokrat Parti (DP), Türk siyasal hayatının en önemli siyasi partilerinden biri konumundadır. Bu parti Türkiye’de merkez sağ siyaset geleneğinin, Cumhuriyet döneminde ilk ve önemli temsilcisi olma ayrıcalığını elinden tutarken; lideri Türkiye’de merkez sağ siyaset geleneğini temsil eden önemli bir siyasal elittir. Dahası Demokrat Parti, Türkiye’de çok partili siyasi yaşama geçişin temsilcisi olarak da kabul edilir. Demokrat Parti, ismi partisi ile özdeşleşmiş efsanevi lideri Adnan Menderes ve Demokrat Parti milletvekilleri, yalnızca ülkede çok partili demokratik hayatın öncü isimleri olmakla kalmamışlar; çok partili yaşama geçişle birlikte Türkiye’nin değişim sürecine yön vermiş ve ülkenin toplumsal-siyasal hayatında belirleyici rol oynamışlardır.Bir siyasal kurum olarak Demokrat Parti’yi ve bir siyasi elit-lider olarak Adnan Menderes’i iyi anlamadan, Türkiye’nin yaklaşık üççeyrek asırdan beridir yaşadığı siyasal - toplumsal değişim ve dönüşümü anlamlandırmak ve açıklamak mümkün değildir. Bu realiteden yola çıkarak çalışmada, önemli bir siyasi lider ve bir siyasi elit olarak Adnan Menderes ile Türk siyasal yaşamının önemli siyasi kurumlarından biri olan Demokrat Parti’nin, tarihsel bir perspektiften, sosyolojik olarak incelenmesi hedeflenmiştir. Araştırma ağırlıklı olarak betimleyici - deskriptif bir sosyolojik çalışma türünde tasarlanmıştır.


1967 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-111
Author(s):  
John Waterbury

All societies are constantly in a process of transition, but when we speak of “transitional societies” we mean thereby those in which the transitional process is particularly intense, entailing the substitution for pre-existing forms of social organisation of forms more adapted to modern, industrial society. The process of transition is relentless and cannot be turned on and off at the will of governmental authorities. In countries where there is no established governing elite the process continues nonetheless (witness Algeria 1954–1962). In other countries so-called modernising elites have managed to get a sometimes-slippery grasp on the social transformations occurring within their borders (Turkey under Attaturk and Egypt under Nasser). In yet other countries, Morocco being one of them, internally-divided political elites, while more or less aware of the immense implications of the transitional process, are incapable of resolving upon or implementing a concerted plan of action for dealing with its problems. In the following pages an attempt will be made to analyse the nature of the Moroccan political elite, and the factors that have driven it to the outer edge of the process of transformation of Moroccan society, a process in which the elite is but a marginal participant, a process over which there is but nominal control.


Author(s):  
Ochirova V. M. ◽  

The study of Russian elites is one of the urgent topics of post-Soviet political science. The numerous works of domestic and foreign authors, as well as the emergence of a separate research direction “Elitology” has become the result of the growing interest to this social group. Along with the federal political elite, the researches study regional elites. The subject of research is the functioning of the group, standing at the top of the social hi-erarchy, as well as its social portrait, the features of recruitment, and system of values. The latter due to its particular importance and insufficient coverage, are of the greatest interest. Taking into account this fact, we analyze one of the key elements of a social portrait of the studied social group — the level of education. One of the first overall studies of republican political elites we carried out in 2009–2010, during the survey 618 representatives of ex-ecutive, legislative and municipal authorities of the republics of Buryatia, Sakha (Yaku-tia), Tyva were interviewed (576 questionnaires were analyzed). In addition to the ques-tionnaire survey, we also conducted expert interviews in three studied regions of Russia. Within the framework of the study, based on the analysis of biographical documents, we identified and systematized the types, places of education, and training programmes of the representatives of republican political elites, as well as information about their academic degrees. In the article, we also focused on the correlation between the level of education of political elites and the pace of development of the Russian state.


1970 ◽  
pp. 36-47
Author(s):  
Fadwa Al-Labadi

The concept of citizenship was introduced to the Arab and Islamic region duringthe colonial period. The law of citizenship, like all other laws and regulations inthe Middle East, was influenced by the colonial legacy that impacted the tribal and paternalistic systems in all aspects of life. In addition to the colonial legacy, most constitutions in the Middle East draw on the Islamic shari’a (law) as a major source of legislation, which in turn enhances the paternalistic system in the social sector in all its dimensions, as manifested in many individual laws and the legislative processes with respect to family status issues. Family is considered the nucleus of society in most Middle Eastern countries, and this is specifically reflected in the personal status codes. In the name of this legal principle, women’s submission is being entrenched, along with censorship over her body, control of her reproductive role, sexual life, and fertility.


Author(s):  
Edward Shizha

This article is a theoretical discussion on the social construction of knowledge in colonial and postcolonial Zimbabwe. It examines effects of hegemonic knowledge constructions and how they may be de-legitimated through incorporating indigenous knowledge in postcolonial school curricular. The article questions the importance attached to Euro-centric school knowledge and the devaluation of indigenous knowledge in postcolonial states. It further argues that indigenous knowledge as informal knowledge plays a major role in society and should be formalized in educational institutions to constitute a transformative and inclusive educational system. The article proposes hybridization of knowledge to give voice to the formerly marginalized in school curricular in Zimbabwe. It also proposes that knowledge as a historical, cultural, social, spiritual and ideological creation should be a product of collaborated efforts from all possible stakeholders to foster social development and self-confidence in individuals.


2011 ◽  
pp. 128-145
Author(s):  
Joanna Szymoniczek

As far as both humanitarian and development aid are concerned, Germany is a major donor. Involvement in such activity is aimed most of all at building up Germany’s strong position in the international arena, creating a positive image of Germany’s presence abroad, gaining in influence on the formation of a specific world view and of attitudes in the social, political and moral spheres in the recipient countries, and obtaining tangible financial, political and economic benefits. Support from Germany flows to victims of disasters and catastrophes, forgotten armed conflicts and alarming humanitarian problems. To any appeals for assistance, Germany reacts extremely fast. This is possible because of a very efficient system established in the country, comprised of public institutions and non-governmental organisation and with its operations in the international arena regulated in a series of documents. What is characteristic of German aid is the speed with which at arrives to the aggrieved, its adequacy and its subordination to political objectives, particularly in cases of providing aid in armed conflict situations. The fact that Germany is involved, most of all, in bilateral aid operations, which makes it possible to make decisions on her own as to whom to provide with assistance and how, and where, and that, moreover, such assistance is not anonymous, as is the case with the multilateral aid provided by international organisation, which is both more efficient and preferred by its recipients, is evidence of such policy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Tito Handoko ◽  
Mega Hidayati ◽  
Muhammad Azhar ◽  
Abdul Munir Mulkan ◽  
M . Rafi ◽  
...  

This article aims to analyze the relationship between the teacher and the congregation of the Naqsabandiyah in local political action and their relationship with local political elites. This study uses a qualitative approach that aims to interpret a case that will be carefully examined and analyzed using periodic descriptive analysis methods. The results of this study indicate that the pattern of relations between teachers and congregation of the Naqsabandiyah groups in local political action in Rokan Hulu Regency tends to be more accommodating to the authorities, where the political orientation of this group has undergone a transition from traditional to rational action with its own political choices. Then, the relationship between the group and local political elites in socio-religious practices has confirmed the existence of a very strong religious and political relationship, where the Naqsabandiyah sees Achmad (local political elite) as a group representation traced from the existence of kinship ties.


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